We should feel glad could we accept the recent settlement of the vexed drawback question with Mr. von Brandt, as a mark of definite progress made by the Chinese Government. It seems strange, and contrary to all our antecedont experience, that Chinese statesmen should have given freely, and without compunction, what was not obtained by Sir Thomas Wade under the pressure he was able to bring to bear on them; and it would almost seem that his discretion, not the obstinacy of the Chinese, was at fault. The matter is not a very important one in itself; in practice, merchants have generally an early opportunity of paying to the Customs, the drawback certificates which they receive; but it may happen otherwise, and in any case it is fair that they should be able to get back the money they have paid, if they wish to do so. It is bad enough that they should have to pay duty at all before their goods pass into consumption; and we cannot understand how the introduction of the bond system has not been long ago insisted on, This is one among other reforms that might have been wisely stipulated for in the new Convention; and commend the matter to Mr. von Brandt's attention as one which he may well consider in the revision of the German treaty which is believed to be under negotiation. The times are opportune for effecting a reform. It cannot be denied that it has dawned on the minds of the Chinese Government itself that its repressive policy towards trade has not been remunerative. Memorials on the subject have appeared from so many quarters, that we cannot believe they have had no effect. Yet, in China, the first step is the most difficult, and it is not unlikely that the men at the helm of affairs look more or less to foreigners for the means of escaping a dilemma. It is quite possible the high Mandarins may be desirous of relieving trade from some of its shackles; yet, seen from a Chinese point of view, it may be most impolitic to make the essay; and with regard to lekin taxes, and the enormous and deadening system of extortion which has grown up round them, we suspect there is some ground for the belief, The high official who would attempt to do away with, or reform the practice, woold up at least two powerful fac tive n the one hand ihe supreme Government itself, which lives out of:: vh irregular exactions aa can from time to time appropriate next, the large body of minor officials whose position and livelihood depends on the continuance of a corrupt system. Toa man impressed with those ideas, the expressed obligation of freeing foreign goods might seem all the while the most powerful assistance towards carry= ing out a general reform; and the very reluctance with which Lo submitted to it would really show of how much importance towards the end in view, would be the pretended forced play of his best card. At any rate, the narrow restriction on drawbacks, in itself more an annoyance than a positive burt to trade, could as easily have been removed at Chefoo as it has been at Peking, while in effect the British Minister gave his sanction to a principle of limitation never before admitted by any of his predecessors. A similar but more important error was the giving up of the right expressly stipulated for in previous treaties, of the non-liability of imported goods to taxation beyond the tariff and commuted inland dues. We have said before that we do not think the admission was likely to involve much practical harm, as the Chinese dealers themselves are strong enough to resist excessive exactions, in towns where they can oppose a united resistance. But it was none the Joss a mistake; for it is wise to insist on the principle for which foreign merchants have always contended, and to endeavour to strengthen rather than to weaken the ground of resistance. It is strange how, in this matter, notwithstanding repeated blanders, the only sound doctrine has come to be upheld. Captuin Elliott,
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.