The recent discussions in Congress upon the Consular and Diplomatic Bill have shown that the legislators of the country are beginning to appreciate our Consular Corps tits true value. In the past, when Consular positions were doled out as rewards for primaries packed or conventions engineered, and when the American Consul went abroad as a reward for political fealty more than for commercial interests, and when he held his place merely as Jong as it suited his district political directors, our Consular Corps filled the small economies incident to their positions with all the ability and usefulness demanded of them Of their offices, hoisted the American fag, by the authorities. They took possession
received our national vessels, signed ships' papers, discharged seamen and made all the money they legitimately could. This was their whole duty; for which they were paid more liberally, let us say, than our present efficient corps. Let us'be understood: The American Consul then, as now, did his duty. That duty was limited to simple routine, and was wholly the fault of the Government.
But since Secretary Evarts has defined a broader field of duty for our Consul making him the commercial agent of the United States in his district; appointing and promoting him just as his ability and usefulness justifies; removing him' from the sphere of polities and beyond the control of the primary kings and convention engineers; giving him a fixity of tenure in office and basing that fixity on his worth as a commercial agent—since then the American Consul has risen above the old surroundings and is to-day, without any exception, the most active, energetic and useful Consul in the world.
Congress begins to appreciate this, but oes not yet appreciate the importance of strengthening the hands of the Secretary of State to the fullest extent in behalf of our foreign commerce. We should have more Consuls, and they should be better paid than they are at present. Congress should not send the plummet of their appreciation down into this commercial sea and judge of its results by the depth of the direct profits or monetary loss. If millions ultimately result fron' Consular direction and effort, to the general foreign trade of the country, the present expenditure of a few thousand dollars is not lost. It may come out of the treasury, but it returns to the country a hundred-fold; it is taken and returned to the people.
While we are glad that our Consular Corps has risen in public esteem beyond the petty slings of newspapers and being the annual Dutt of Congressional ridicule, we are not glad that it has been done at the expense of our diplomatic Corps. If the former has become more useful than the latter, it is because iis field of usefulness has been enlarged.
Happily for mankind, the necessity for diplomacy is growing less year by year. Commerce is taking its place, simply ecauso the progress of the age tends to implifieation and fair business dealing.
jomacy is tortuous and subtle, forever gliding into inextricable mazes which, in the end, require the sword to make straight, The more diplomacy the more war, and vice versa. Europe, being still in the meshes of war, is the home of diplomacy. The United' States, having burst the cuirass and laid by the sword, and "one into business "—at peace with sil nations—not even having a single snarl for diplomacy to unsnarl—is the first nation to find out that, as the world progresses, diplomacy becomes proportionately out of proportion. It is not surprising, therefore, that our democratic legislators should, while commending our Consular Corps, set up our diplomatic corps as the last remnant of ancient usage, asa thing which more properly belongs to the days of buckles and knee-breeches, powdered wigs, and the "distinguished consideration" of snuffboxes, than to these plain, honest, commercial days.
Still, that consideration which is due to the older nations demands of the United States diplomatic representation at th courts, and the expense is a mere bagatelle. If our Ministers are laughed at because they are mere ornaments of courts, it should be borne in mind that they are so because they have nothing to do. If our Congress thinks the field of diplomacy is too confined, it can very easily throw down the commercial barriers, and invite our Ministers, charges and secretaries of Legation to assist our Consuls in spreading American trade in the several countries. But to send representatives abroad, and then to ridicule them in Congress, is discreditable to the nation that sends them and discourteous to our Ministers.
We merely say these things en' passant, for we have nothing to do with the diplomatic Corps—save on rare occasion when some of them interest themselves in American trade abroad. We say—without any disrespect to the able gentlemen who represent the United States in the several countries—that the days of diplomacy are gone, and the days of commerce are dawning, and we are glad of it. It means that the Consul is greater than the Minister, because the former is the missionary of peaceful industry, while the latter is but the avant courier of discord and war. He makes the sword inevitable, and when the nations get tired of killing he comes in and buries the dead with "distinguished consideration."
Our Consuls, on the other hand, are the true representatives of American civilisation. They go abroad in the interest of trade and commerce, pointing out the ways by which our producers and manufacturers can reach the markets of the world, and pointing out to that world the ways by which it can reach the markets of the United States. There is, therefore, direct sympathy between our Consuls and every producer, manufacturer and consumer in the United States, and the consumers and producers of all other lands. Every ship that sails from owr shores with maiufaetures and products represents the industry, happiness and civilisation of our country, and every ship which returns hither represents the same interests in the country whose products it contains.
Thus stands our Consular Corps—the representatives of our agriculturists, artisans, manufacturers, miners, and scientists—while the diplomatic corps may be said to be beyond the people's sympathy because it does not fulfil any economic use in the direct interests of the people.
We are, therefore, glad that Congress recognizes the high worth of our Consular Corps—although we should prefer that that distinguished body should not honour our Consuls at the expense of our Ministers. But we want something more than mere complimentary endorsements. We want, said before, more consuls, and we want them paid salaries enough to support ike ownership to the compradore, them decently. We want them appointed for their ability to serve our commerce—and for no other reason—and we want them stained as long as they do their whole uti We desire that appointments shall be made for the United States, and that no man shall be appointed who is not an American citizen. Wherever there is trade there should be a Consul, and he should be a citizen, and one who is in sympathy with our commerce. The mere fact that some foreign gentleman—for his own accommodation and for ours, to a certain extent—offers to act as our agent without salary, hoists our flag and wins that trade advantage which his official position lends him, whi at the same time he neither understands our trade nor our language, can scarcely be of much advantage to the United States. Indeed, except in cases where no other resource is left, it would be better if the American Consuls and agents were all paid ing salaries and prohibited from engaging The Consular position gives a short of quasi-official colouring to his business, gives him an advantage over other business men, and naturally excites a feeling of acrimony among other men engaged in like business. Woe know that this is the feeling of nine out of ten of our Consuls, and that they feel they could do more generous and independent work for their country's commerce as Consuls than when the position is mixed up with trade.
What we want in order to render our Consular service of the highest possible utility to our commerce, is that, along with ility and fixity of tenure of office, they shall be paid salary enough to render them free from the trammels of business, so that they can devote all their time and energies to the spreading of American trade, and find their reward in the thanks of their Government, surety of office and promotion, and salary commensurate to th positions.
congress so revise our Consular regulations as to embrace these points, then do something for American shippers, and the merchants, exporters and manufac turers of the United States will take care of the rest.—American exporter.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.