Ir is waste of time to attempt to anticipate the result of the Presidential election by reading the American newspapers. In England the party journals do not assume that success for their side during a general election is an absolute certainty, but in the United States the Republican and the Democratic pa-are from the first as absolutely assured of victory, or say they are, as if all were over but the shouting. An English paper of perfect loyalty to its side will during a contest criticise their own candidates and their speeches, and warn, or denounce, if need be, the conduct of their Leaders. We do not remember to have seen this done by any American newspaper during this or any previous presidential election. They "go the whole hog or none;" and if they occasionally do break away they are driven out and become Mugwumps or something else equally opprobrious, politically speaking. The greater independence which is shown by lish partisan papers makes it possible to see what minor differences may be in the political parties, and to estimate whether these are likely to affect the result of a general election. It is not so in the United States, and hence a reader of the Tribune only learns that the Republicans are sure to win, or crats are to be triumphantly victorious on the next 6th of November. The study of American newspapers in the hope of thereby forecasting: the election is labour lost. "And, as Mr. Weller remarked, "yether its worth while going through so much to learn so little, as the charity boy said when he got to the end of the alphabet, is a matter o' taste."
The letters of acceptance of the two candidates are mere party manifestoes. It may be said that Mr. Cleveland's letter on tariff reform, which was made known some months ago, raised suchalarge issue be dwarfed and little regarded by its side. Tariff Reform, or the way in which it is carried out, is the one thing on which this election will be fought. If Mr. Cleveland's views have found considerable acceptance among the Republicans and the Independents, or those who on a great occasion disencumber themselves of party ties, he need not fear a defection from the Democrats sufficient to neutralise the support he would receive from other quarters. But Mr. Cleveland's retallation policy, and the introduction of the anti: ese bill lead us to doubt if he felt assured about two months agothathis election was tolerably safe. Previous to his fulminating the threats of retaliation, and of the Scott anti-Chinese bill, it seemed to us likely that Mr. Cleveland's able and high-minded performance of his duties made his re-election secure. But his policy on the Fisheries and the Canadian questions indicates that an unexpected weakness had been discovered his position. It looked as if neither Democratic principles, commonsense finance, an unblemished service of nearly one presidential term, nor even the fear of Mr. Blaine dominating a Republican Cabinet, were sufficient, and therefore one of the most imperturbable, coolheaded and popular men in America found it necessary to stoop to woo the votes of the mutable and ignorant populace. There are certain indications that, he has done himself harm by these acts. For instance, Harper's Weekly, which supports him, repudiates his retaliation policy and we dare say in so doing represents a number of Independent people. We have not heard the last yet of the muddle in the Chinese immigration mea~ sure. At the last advices from Washington the bill had passed through Congress and awaited the President's signature. But up to that time no official confirmation of the rejection of the Treaty by the Cabinet of Peking had been received at Washington, and the President stood before the world as having recured the rapid passage through gress of a measure framed and introduced by a political friend, at his ere instance, the necessity for which measure was founded on a rumour from London, which again was founded on a tel in the "Times from Tientsin. Some cat'spaw or intrigue r at far Petsicl the times' and' ploced President Cleveland in a very awkward position for a self-respecting cautious statesman. It is not likely this will do him any good with the Independents, who, besides disliking to see their Cabinet rushing in this reckless way into legislation, have probably the utmost contempt for the anti-Chinese movement in America, General Harrison's letter of acceptance thoroughly endorses the Republican platform, Protection to native industries is its keynote. As regards the surplus, he brings against the Democrats nearly the same change which opponents used to bring against Mr. Gladstone—viz, of increasing taxation or maiutaining' it unnecessarily high in order that he might afterwards have the credit of producing a large surplus. General Harrison accuses the Democrats of having " magnified and nursed the sure plus, which they affect to depreciate, seemingly for the purpose of exaggerate ing the evil in order to reconcile the people to the extreme remedy they propose." The surplus in. the Treasury should, he says, be used in the purchase of bonds. He is solicitous about virtue and temperance among the people, the Republican party having always been friendly to everything that made the home life of the people pure. The letter may keep many Republicans with their party'as it is tame but smart. The impression seems to be getting stronger America that the contest will be much more severe than was anticipated when it commenced. But there appears to be less excitement than there was four years ago, and happily a total absence of scandalous. accusations against either candidate; there may not really be more good-humour but there is less scurriity.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.