Well, we had the Duke of Sutherland in the chair with his face in such deep shadow that you could not reengnise him from the very simple fact that his back was to the open window, set against the broad green lawn and garden and shrubbery, with all the light behind him while we all faced the light. I had been. struck as I passed through the palatial corridors between the statues and busts and pictures, that very. conspicuous among these presentments of great personages were two or three statues and pictures of Garibaldi. I suppose that is not quite the first item that the ordinary student of English ducal life would expect to find at a ducal palace. And possibly those who know nothing about Dukesat first hand would not hare been quite prepared for the almost painful modesty and personal self-effacement of the manner in which his grace the duke of Sutherland performed the duties of Chairman, In some respects another tone was given to the proceedings by Lord Brassey as the proposer of the first resolution. "There is perhaps no man, in England whose social status in the high life of this country is substantially better assured than that of Lord Brassey. But while the Duke of Sutherland represents the high traditions of the Leveson-Gowers, Lord Brassey is the highest, representative in the peerage of the world's enterprise and achievements in railways, and this popula and genial nobleman put'somehow a happy element of his own into the proceedings while an altogether different bat not. less high and important element was introduced by Lord Farrer—the best living embodiment of the life and traditions of the Bourd of Trade. And Lord Farrer ranted himself a liberty hardly at all indulged in by other speakers deputed to move and sccond resolutions—the element of "the open or." He did not hint at any obligation upon American statesmen to reconsider, under the new condition of things, the financial policy of the Great Republi¢, but he did convey the impression that the ticular form which the desidera'ed friend ship between England and America would assume might depend in some degree upon he question whether the people at Wash-ton would coneer with us in working for "the open door" in their relations with the undeveloped and only partially civilised nations of the world.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.