JAPAN, 12th Aug. We learn from Peking that the Empress Dowager and Prince Chiing are strongly in earnest about the Chinese-Japanese alliance, and Lord Salisbury has evidently made up his mind to wash his hands of China altogether, and, Parliament being prorogued, it is no. longer necessary for him'even to make pretences with which Mr. Brodrick may stave off inquisitive members of the House of Commons, this seems to us now the best step that China can take. It may be mentioned that Jung Lu and the old China party at Peking are bitterly appatcd to it both the ANese il Chinese publicly deny it for obvious reasons, though China cannot. conceal her of the Empress Dowager bring with them an autograph reply from the Mikado to the Empre: autograph letter, and Marquis Ito is expected at Peking very shortly. The Japanese terms understood to be, the control of a substantial portion of the army, and of sufficient funds to keep it in a state of efficiency. So far, the Chinese are said to have offered Japan what remains of the li but this is not considered sufficient, and we cannot but think now that the Japanese are acting wisely and we hope that they will succeed, There are many indications, besides M. de Giers' menacing note to the Tsungli Yamen of which Reuter gave us the gist in the telegram published in our columns on' the 10th, that this is particularly disagreeable to Russia. It is certain that Russia is distinctly afraid of a collision with Japan at the present moment when she is brought. free to face with its possibility. Japan devs not overlook the excitement and anxiety shown by the Russians in regard to the pourparlers that have been going on between China and herself, and if the Japanese statesmen make up their minds that a collision with Russia is inevitable sooner or later, the present attitude of Russia will undoubtedly be taken into their consideration.
The note of M. de Giers to which we have already referred is not a communication from one independent Power to another, notwithstanding all the Russian professions of her desire to uphold the independence and integrity of so unch of China as she is not actually annexing to Siberia. It is the note of a suzerain it is exactly such a note as Mr. Chamberlain would send to President Kriiger. This lends special interest. to Mr. Brodrick's speech in the House of Commons, reported in the Renter's telegram published by the 10th inst. In the course of a discursive debate on affairs in China, Mr. Brodrick said "The Government hoped for good results from the ce-operation of Germany in keeping ports open to their trade. He said that the Government though appearing to proceed alone was often voicing the opinions of other Powers, and—adverting to the Manchuria-Peking railway—it would probably be found that other Powers shared the British view that the predominance of a single Power at Peking cannot be viewed without concern.
Whether there is anything more in this than the empty words of which Mr. Brodrick is instructed to be so lavish when disagreeable qui ti ed in the House of Commot ins to be seen.
the recent note of M.
(heates most unmistakably the desire of a ingle Power for predominance at Peking.
It is now nearly sixty years since Sir Archibald Alison first published his monumental History of Europe. In the 15th volume, chapter will be found some remarks on the peculiar politi em of the rissian Cubinet, which are true now as when they were written The policy of the Russian Cabinet, from the earliest time that the Muscovite power has stood for an object of alarm to the surrounding nations, has been governed by one ruling principle, which differs widely from that of any people who have hitherto made a great impression on human affairs. It is neither founded on the haughty maxim of the Romans, to spare the submissive and subdue the proud, nor the more politic system of the English, whether in Europe or Asia, to support the weak against the strong. It rests on a combination of physical strength with diplomatic address, of perseverance in object with versatility in means, which was never before exhibited on the theatre of the world. Its leading characteristic has been explained, perhaps with more candour than prudence, iby the eloquent Russian historian Karamsin ~The object. and. the character of our military policy has in-inlily been, to seek to be at peace with everybody, and to mule conquests without war; always keeping ourselves on the defensive, placing no faith in the friendship of those whose interests do not accord with our own, and losing no opportunity of injuring them, without ostensibly breaking our treaties with them.' The slightest survey of Russia history must be sufficient to show that this character is well founded and that, formidable as the military 1 power of the State is, it has prevailed jin every age rather from pacific! encroachments than warlike subjugation."
The habit of Russia of encroaching without fighting, except where fighting has been forced on her as. in Central Asia, has so grown on her that the threat of armed opposition makes her nervous at once, and if our Foreign Office had been familiar with the history of the great Northern Power her recent aggression on China would have been checked at the beginning. It is an open secret that the Russian Admiral had orders to acquiesce at once if the request that we should withdraw our ships from Port Arthur had been refused; Lord Salisbury, as we all know, has yielded to pure bluff; but it is' possible that the Japanese will not be so easily hoodwinked, if they have really made up their minds that to make an ance with China is the most politic course they can new follow.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.