0th April. We mentioned yesterday morning the despatch of Lord Salisbury to Lord Dufferin, covering a copy of the Declaration between Great Britain and France of the 15th of January last for the settlement of the Siamese question, This despatch contains the arguments which Lord Salisbury wishes the public to understand induced him to make the surrender to France which the Declaration in question seems to be; and it must not be left out of consideration if the whole question is to be understood. 'I'he Declaration itself will be found In another column. Lord Salisbury begins his letter of explanation by mentioning that he had hoped.to send it to Lord Dafferin before Christmas, but the signature to it was accidentally delayed. This statement seems to be intended to show that it was not the fear of complications with Germany, which arose after Christmas, that induced our Foreign Minister to agree to terms so unsatisfactory in their first appearance. 'I'he most important provision in the Declaration, Lord Salisbury goes on to explain, "is that which marks out for special treatment as between the two Powers, that portion of Siam which is comprised within the drainage basin of the Menam, and of the coast streams of a corresponding longitude, Within this area the two Powers undertake that they will not operate with their military or naval forces except so far as they may do it in concert for any purpose which may be required for maintaining the independence of Siam. 'I'hey also undertake not to acquire within that area any privileges or commercial facilities which are not extended to both of them." His lordship evidently foresaw the very unfavourable impression which the terms of the Declaration must produce on all non-Frenchmen who take any interest in the Indo-China question—for it must be remembered that all nations trading, or expecting to trade, with Siam are interested with us in seeing as much of that kingdom as~ possible preserved from the blighting effects of the French tariff. He goes on to say that he is anxious to say a few words in explanation of the Declaration, in order to avoid a misinterpretation to which it might be exposed at the hands of those who are not familar with recent negotiations. He thinks that critics might argue that because England and France agreed to respect the basin of the Menam, they were impugning the complete title and rights of the Siamese to the remainder of the kingdom. inference is not unnatural; if you tell a man that you recognise his fall right to one-third of his property, it is as much as to say that not so well-grounded. But "any such interpetration," says Lord Salisbury, "would entirely misrepresent the intention with which this arrangement has been signed. We fully recognise the rights of Siam to the full and undisturbed enjoyment, in accordance with long usage or with existing 'I'reaties, of the entire territory comprised. within her dominions; and nothing in our present action would detract in any degree from the validity of the King of Siam to those portions of his territory which are not affected by this 'I'reaty." We can hardly fancy that Lord Salisbury really thinks this. 'I'he eastern and largest strip of Siam is acknowledged by England and France to be hereafter at the mercy of France; the western and narrowest strip is to be at the mercy of England; and the- two Powers agree that no-one shall touch the central strip; can 1t be held for a moment that the right and title. of the King of Siam is as valid as regards all three strips? It must be remembered that a portion of the eastern strip, Chantaboon, is actually in the occupation of France, We have agreed, Lord Salisbury says, to neutralise the central strip, "not because the title of the King of Siam to other portions of his dominions is less valid, but because it is the area which affects our interests as a commercial nation. The valley of the Menam is eminently fitted to receive a high industrial development." And if this development goes on, it will be a very. good thing for Great Britain. But the history of the region in which Siam is situated has not in recent years been favourable to the extension of industrial enterprise, or to the growth of that confidence which is the first condition of material improvement... The events of this recent history certainly have a tendency to encourage doubts of the stability of the Siamese dominion and without in any degree sharing in those doubts, or admitting. the possibility, within any future with which we have to deal, of the Siamese independence being compromised, her Majesty's government could not but feel that there would be an advantage in giving some security to the commercial world that, in regard to the region where the most active development is likely to take place, no. further disturbances of territorial ownership are to - be apprehended." We wonder how long Lord Salisbury gives France to assume to herself the territorial ownership of the eastern strip that we have abandoned to her influence? He adds that the extensive trade that Great Britain now does with Siam passes mainly through the basin of the Menam, "and that: any alteration of ownership which should carry with it tariffs of a highly restrictive order would be 'a heavy blow to our commerce in that part of the world." But how about the commerce of Chantaboon, and the commercial possi-his title to the other two-thirds is bilities of Angkor and Battambang, etc., now practically ceded to France?
Finally, we learn that the cession of Mongsin to France, after we had assured the native chiefs that we would never give it up, is an attestation of our belief that this Declaration " will tend to foster the industrial growth. of all those extensive districts and though our title to it appears to be evidently sound, we have also given it up, because "its extent and intrinsic value are not large, and on account of its unhealthy character, it has no great attractions for Great Britain,.. but its retention by her might prove a serious embarrassment to the cheap and effective administration by France of her possessions in that neighbourhood."
We should like to have had Mr. Curzon's observations on this agreement, had Lord Rosebery, and not Lord Salisbury, been the author of it.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.