A very squabble is going on between the northernmost—states of South America, Venezuela and Columbia. But for its interest extrinsically, it would attract no more notice from the world at large than a faction fight in Ulster. However, at the moment, a very large portion of the world, including the whole of the United States and a great part of Europe, is turning its eyes towards the southern portion of the great Western Continent. Overcrowded Europe is looking for an outlet; growing America, as represented by the United States, is firmly resolved that whatever overflow takes place there shall be no political change. The Monroe doctrine, as laid down nearly a century ago, was successful in checking the advance of Russia on the Pacific Coast, and in preventing the contemplated action of the "Holy Allies," Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France, who had been appealed to by Spain to aid in the reconquest of her revolted colonies. Fngland was asked to join this league, but, refusing, was primarily responsible by her suggestion for the promulgation by President Monroe of his celebrated "doctrine" as applied to South America. It is, of course, well known that the Monroe doctrine is, so far as its standing in international law oes, merely the expression of nited States opinion and desire. Infringement of it would be considered "as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards "the United States." (Vide President Monroe's declaration.) But since the events of the Spanish War of 1898, there is grave doubt, even in American minds, whether the expansion of the territory of the Great Republic has not ipso facto cut the ground entirely from under the non-intervention doctrine. President Monroe's dictum consisted of two distinct statements, of which the second runs thus "With the existing colonies and independencies of any European Power we have not interfered, and we shall not interfere, but with the Governments (South American) who have declared their independence and maintained it we could not view any interposition.,... in any other manner.... than as the manifestation of an unfriendly di: position towards the United States.'
will be seen in this that the non-intervention of the United States "with the existing colonies," etc. of Europe is given as the ground for their claim to non-intervention on the part of Europe in South America. But since 1898 the United States have taken Cuba, Porto Rice, the Philippines and other islands from Spain. Evidently, therefore, they will if they still intend to uphold the Monroe doctrine, have to shift their ground. President Cleveland in his ineworable message to Congress in 1895 claimed for that doctrine a "place in the Code of International Law as certainly and surely as if it specifically mentioned." Bui no logician would claim that Mr. Cleveland's argument was other th: of the common circular kind. "TI he said, "the enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine is something we may justly claim," then, of course, "since in International Councils a nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it," the United. States is right in making its claim, and the doctrine has its place in International Law. here is always much virtue in an "if," and this was written three years before the Spanish-American war, In fact, the United States stands to-day in the same position as she would if there were no Monroe Doctrine at all. The "Saturday Review," which is frankly, and sometimes churlishly anti-American, tells us that Europe' will never relinquish whatever rights of colonisation and intervention the law of nations allows in South America as elsewhere, and it may be taken for granted that intervention in South America will or will not be indulged according to the strength of the American navy and the determination of the United States to fight for its opinion.
When the Venezuela trouble arose there was never the slightest risk of war, We need not enquire too closely into President Cleveland's manner in raising the issue. The panic which immediately followed on the American Stock Exchange was an only too eloquent sign of American feeling on the matter. That he was right to bring the long-delayed question to a head somehow is granted. Our Government would have shillyshallled till now, had the sudden rupture not waked them up. But the United States must not count on similar complaisance from the continental states. With them the only question when things become pressing will be whether or no the old world can safely throw down the gauntlet to the new, and whether, if the new accepts the challenge, there will be any aid from the other side. As things stand now, an alliance of any two European powers of the first class could do what it liked in South America if there were only the United States to prevent them. Therein lies a truth which the Americans will do well to ponder. The time when some kind of intervention in the southern. continent is possible, nay likely, is not far distant. Hence the keen interest with which the present little war is being watched. The dispatch of an American war-vessel, the conduct of an American Minister, the movements of German cruisers, have suddenly assumed international importance. To judge from the tone of the anti-American Press, Europe is ready at a monont's notice fur a combined movement against the States. is only Great Britain that hol an aloofness which, consider the Monroe Doctrine was derived from her suggestion, is not altogether unnatural,
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.