The idea that the United States suddenly became a world power through a picayune war with a nation in the last stages of decrepitude was deprecated by Justice Brewer in his speech before the New England Society of Philadelphia. The orator said very truly that silent forces of commerce and religion had been at work for years bringing about that result and that the most the war could have done was to clear the air and bring us face to face with the consciousness of the change.
The United States will be equal to the obligations and duties undoubtedly, but it will not be because there has been a shifting of American ideals or a sudden access of military power here, As Justice Brower said, we shall "never turn our country over to the man on horseback, nor will our dearest laurels be crimsoned with the blood of the dying soldier." The military power is derived wholly from the civic and industrial power and it is to be kept in reserve for the most part. It is essential but of secondary interest and we shall deserve to be called a world power because our relations with all nations will be carried upon the highest principles of truth and justice. We stand in the council of nations strong enough to fear no attempt to wrong us; so strong that we cannot afford to wrong any, not even the weakest nation; strong enough to be firmly just to the most powerful of nations, and so strong that we must be kindly just with the weakest."
That is a good chart to steer by, and it in not affected in the least by a change in the colour of a few islands on the maps of the 1 world. gested, which has ones received at.
this connection a question is sug-
tention again, respecting AMERICA'S ALLY IX 1898, on which the "Springfield Republican" saysi—_A very pretty controversy seems to be rising over the question whether Russia or England smashed Spain's scheme to secure European intervention against the United States just before the Spanish-American war. M. Hanotaux, the distinguished diplomat who was the Foreign Minister of France in the spring of 1898, has lately branded as false the English claim to priority in this matter. Count Muraviefl, he says, acting for Russia, was the first to refuse to mix in any way with Gpain's quarrel with America. As for France, too, M. Hanotaux declares that she went not a step farther than England did in responding to the Spanish appeal. And all this, he adds, is well known to the United States Government. But now the ashington correspondent of the London "Times," in a dispatch to that paper, contradicts M. Hanotaux and reasserts that England was the only friend the United States had in Europe. The archives must be opened, it seems, in order to settle the dispute. Meanwhile, there continues to be good reason to believe that Russia, in the crisis of 1898, did not once depart from the policy of strict non-intervention in American affairs which was inaugur rated when the Czar sold all his territorial possessions in this hemisphere to the Tnited States during the administration of Andrew Johnson.
Perhaps more light may be thrown on the subject as a matter of dipiomauc history irom brits sources. Lhe sugges-on whicn follows 1s from the New 2ork "pun"
We have, then, the first-hand authority of M. Hanotaux, who was the french Mi-ulster for Foreign Affairs in the spring of 1898, for the statement that at that ume Russia attested her friendship for the United States by an act identical with that performed by Alexander Li at a critical conjuncture during our Civil War. But, it may be said, admitting it to be now proven that in the spring of 1698 Russia once more showed herself a friend in need, may we not also credit the assertion made at second hand by the "National Review" that a like friendly position was taken by the British Foreign Utice? Unfortunately, the " Review's' second-hand statement needs corroboration, before it can be pitted against the further categorical declaration made by M. Hanotaux that, when Austria's proposal was communicated to England, the reply of the latter Power was identical with that made by France. The inference which we are meant to draw is that England, as well as France, would have taken part in the mediation mooted,- had not the St. Petersburg Government firmly withheld assent.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.