13th October.
ALLIANCES are in the air. -The whirlwind of war has upset that artificial state of equilibrium which men call the Balnnce of Power, and politicians are rushing about: with one eye fixed on the vanishing debris of their most cherished constructions and with the auher looking wildly for something, anything, to act as a substitute for what has been lost. Were there nothing of grim earnest behind all the undignified behaviour we might resign ourselves to an unalloyed enjoyment of the fuss, But war is a serious matter, and fear of 16 has become all but universal. Hence the. effort to buttress up whatever muy be wenk in the body politic.
There is no historical or philological difficulty with the word " alliance." Nor is there any difficulty in the ordinary construction put upon the word by men who mean what they say and are not given to splitting hairs for their own benefit, It is, however, in these days of more or less wild suggestion, worth while examining into the meanings which diplomatists and statesmen have read into this simple word, Time was, perhaps, when sentiment had much to do with the formation of alliances. We way well imagine that in the seventeenth century, from which the first important European alliance: dates, there was less of that ould calculation of interes: s which precedes the formation of a bond between nations of the presen, Ib is now agreed on all sides thay an alliance is made entirely for selfish ends. In other words a modern alliance is purely a matter of business. So far as Prussia is co.cerned this commercial view of politics dates back for a century at least. Prince Metternich writes in his memoirs, "Prussia is only accustomed to work when it is clearly for her own benefit; that is all she looks: to, and Europe would disappear before her eyes if it depended on her efforts to save it." 'This was written during the' Napo iconic wars, when new coalitions were almost of yearly occurrence, no fewer than six nations being at one time allied against the mighty leader of treaty formulas whatsoever; nor can the French, a treaty guarantee the degree of zeal Coming down to more recent times or the amount of force that will be we find Lord Palmerston, the nearest devoted to the discharge of obliga-approach (in the mind of the man tions when the private interest of in the street) that England has those who have made the treaty no ever had to a personification of John longer reinforces the text: tits ear-Bull, laying down the law as follows, hest interpretation." It is quite "IfI might be allowed tu express easy to see that so elastic a doctrine in one sentence the principle which I as this may be read in such n way as think ough to guide an English to play fast and loose with the most Minister, would adopt the express sacred of understandings. It is only ston -of Canning, and say that with fair to say that Prince Bismarck was every British Minister the interest not the inventor of it. It came of England ought to be the shiba him asa legacy. Prince Metternich boleth of his policy." On another writes thus'of the great Chancellor's occasion when discussing the policy predecessors of a century ago:—of alliances in general he said, "I "All the Powers that. went to war hold with respect to alliances that with France exhausted themselves, Englind is a Power sufficiently Prussia alone drew advantage strong to steer her own course, and from all circumstances; and when not.to tie to herself as an unnecessary she found herself with other States appendage the policy of any other put down for a time, she went her Government. It isa narrow policy own way with quiet steps and accom-to woppone: that this country or that tmodated herself to the conqueror. is to be marked' out as the eternal Every campaign gave her a pretext ally or the perpetual enemy of Eng-for extending her influence; every land. We have no eternal allies and trace either confirmed' ni eneroachwe have no perpetual enemies. Our ment on a weak and timid neighbour, interests are eternal and perpetual, or contrived that such should volun-and those interests it is our duty to tarily place itself under her bannera follow."
Jastly, every peace brought her; Prince Bismarck, as all the world. reward for exertions which she had, knows, had quite as business-like a nevertheless made only to serve her view of international unions as Lord own purposes."
Palmerston, and an even more busi-One answer, therefore, to our en-ness-like ficulty for exrrying it into quiry, "what is an Alliance?" would practice. Hi. re-insurance with read something like this:: An alliance russia was an example of sharp is a binding engagement.whose risks practice which astonished even the may be escaped by re-insurance, and nineteenth century, and it is certain from whose most dangerous claims it that Austria a' any rate has not is always possible to wriggle under forgotten it. There'is, of course, one the "Ultra posse nema Sbligatur 2 vital difference between a. civil and clause." We do not think, however, fa national agreement. There -are that the ordinary Englishman feels courts to enforce the first; there are much inclined to subscribe to such none for the second. Indeed it has a definition. long been held on the Continent that no agreement, however binding its terms, can compel a nation to rush "For tae Broop 1s THe Live."—to self-destruction for the sake of an Clarke's World-famed Blood Mixture is ally. On this point. we quote once warranted to cleanse the blood from all more from Prince Bismarck:—* All contracts between great- States cease impurities from whatever cotise to be unconditionally. binding as For Scrofula, Scurvy, Eozems, Bad Lege, soon as they are tested by. "The
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.