The Archive · 1926

Peking's Decision

Yeu will understand, Gentleme that the Municipal Council is power-ess for the Hae or fag cated. these jatters for the reason that in their duty to the public they, pear to have recarved to itself the serve; the public that pays, them for Fight to discuss them direct with adequate protection. the: foreign Ministers in Peking.

That, again, you will realize can-'There Must Be No Martyrs not be helped and is not due to But if force is used sufficient to any action on the Council's part. protect the lives and property of We would much prefer to settle others, then those concerned may these purely local questions local be injured. bat we are simply not in a position At once they are hailed as martyrs to do so for the reason that they in support of whose cause it have been taken out of our hands. to raise 'a nation-wide cry": of (OF the questions sent by the Pesympathetic indignation; and this king Government to the local auth-may: quickly lead to an international. orities for discussion, namely, situation of extreme gravity.

Chinese labour in factories; the This has happened before: this proposed laws. connected' with is what may quite well happen again wharfage dues and the press, and if things are left to take their Municipal roads outside th~ bound-normal course. All the elements ary of the Settlement—none, I think are present—the intention to cause will offer special difficulty. We trouble; the plan of action; the and anxious to discuss agents whose business it is to pué these matters-with the local Chinese that plan into effect, and the fruit officials, in the friendliest possible ful soil_on which to work in the spirit, at any time they are brought shape of the extreme credulousness forward. of the Chinese working classes. To meet this situation it is our The Local Outlook duty to devise counter measures.

But, Gentlemen, it is not so much is easy to talk of conciliation and of the things of the past as of what 0 on; but all the good-will in the ay happen in the future that 1 world is useless in the face specially.anxious to speak to determination to force an issue, you tonight, peace and order are threatened, I am bound to tell you that, in those in authority must act, We the Council's view, the local outlook all—Chinese and foreigners alike—is none too bright. Politically anc know that this is so; and we know industrially there ure indications equally well that the consequences that the situation is likely to of such action may be very' serious develop unfavourably if things are indeed. merely allowed to take their normal course. Politically, the failure or the unwillingness to' understand the the face of disorder in Shanghai non-settlement of the May 30 affair quite likely, under present is one of the main issues. Incumstances, to bring about a n has probably recurrence of the situation that

incidence of certain dates in pr last lied throughout year. the next two months has an im-'The question arises, then, as to portant bearing on the matter, May. what is to be done?

1 is Labour Day the world over.

A New Leadership Wanted the anniversary of the students' "strike" of 1919, In some countries there" are 9 ix called Humiliation Day. gularly constituted Arbitration May 30 has a significance of its Boards to which industrial disputes can be referred.—But quite often, Plans are on foot to make each local experience, there is no case ore of these days an occasion, on which to base a decision, More-Certain organizations will hardly over, 20 rife is intimidation in in-fail to take advantage of the chance: dustry that even the essential offered. Agencies behind—these clement of free will is usually organizations will surely see thut absent. On the whole it seems that this is done, any attempt to arbitrate industrial Information is to hand that the disputes and to compose industrial recent strikes in cotton mills were differences on Western lines would merely preliminary to a much probably end in failure, S|larger effort to be made later on.

T suggest there is another plan Those concerned are convinced that that might well be tried with some these strikes were not due to any ope of success. The Chinese work true economic cause. There is ing classes are, in the mass, very ttle suggestion of this even from. easily led. That, in fact, isan the workers themselves. The outstanding characteristic of the ice confirm this view. present industrial situation and one that has probably resulted in more Outside Influence at Work trouble than any other.

And if this is so, why not take Outside influence is at work just advantage of it—for their good and as it was a year ago. Its power for ours? Why not set up a differ. has already been sufficiently de-fent kind of leadership from that to monstrated. Despite their experi-which they have been accustomed—ence and their losses in 1925, the same workers walk out at a word leadership, they would be inclined to follow as least as readily as any in 1926. This is the more re-other? Why not, in other words, markable because at the present endeavour to counter the influences time there appear to be no strike which they have been so constant funds available for their support. ly subjected in recent years by in other countries, the others of a wholly different nature? working classes here are being Obviously there are diffcu'tios in plaited ty third parties for their 0 doing, but they are by no means own ends. The end that one party superable, It merely needs the professes to have in view is what ight men, having the courage of is vaguely called "social revolution." their convictions, The object of another party is to Tt needs, I suggest, men like some further what it believes to be its whom we have with tis here to-night, own national and political alme in What we want is a group of China, In addition, of course, courage sts, representative and genuine economic reasons for labour fluential men of this kind whose unrest are always possible. names are known to all and whose But whatever the—underlying, honesty of, purpose is beyond cause may be, the first sign of trou. question: a group that would public ble is usually an. industrial strike ly proclaim itself as standing for of some kind. Unless quickly set-sanity, common sense and tied this means continued unemploy-group that would com ment on a large scale. If no strike fidence in the community: a group funds are available, this in turn that would hav measure of means hunger; and mass unger responsible public opinion behind it Hungry people /—foreign as well as Chinese: mally and are not! group that would not f amenable to reason. Their views occasion demand, to speak small matters are to all alike. vances appear where} Such men would have no ca: none formerly existed. Thus they task and a none too pleasant reach a state of mind that makes position. But against that they them ripe for mischief. As they would be doing possibly the greatest are reinforced by others with private single act of public service ever dona or political ends to serve, a conin Shanghai. dition of grave public danger super-veries. Life and property are Stop Trouble Before It Comes menaced, and to protect life and time of turmoil of trouble, property' the armed forees at the whether political or industrial, they disposal of authority may have to would endeavour—by their presence be used. To combat' force, nothing and their prestige; by word Of but force will do. mouth and by proclamation—to allay If from humanitarian considér-popular, excitement; to give. wigo ations this force is not used, or the counsel, and to produce a state, use of force is undily delayed, in-mind," amenable to. some kind /9f to gp further] nocent life may be lost and property: reason, hose tu -avthotity will Move aod stroyed.

Most iniportunt of all, they would éhideavou at all' costa' to prevent

Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.

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