Jan, 13.
Looking at the Indian Conference from the end of the cable or even, later, in the light of the extended reports in the London newspapers as they come to hand, it is not possible entirely to gauge the exact effect-of the discussions in which the delegates, their consultative advisers and their secretariat are engaged. The Indian delegations have maintained with India a very close touch from the time of their arrival in England. The columns of the Indian newspapers—even of the Congress peravasion—have been full, not only of the proceedings of the Conference but of the interpretation put by special correspondents and other observers on the conversations and manoeuvres leading up to conference room debates. The announcement has been made that the Indian delegates expect to return to their own country in less than a fortnight's time. The Indian Legislative Assembly to which many of them belong opens at New Delhi to-morrow for its Budget Session of about ten weeks. The speeches by Mr. Ramsay MacDonald and Lord Sankey have suggested the early announcement of a definitely satisfactory agreement on the main issues before the Conference. Whether this is too optimistic a deduction remains to be seen, There is little doubt, however, that the British Government' are as anxious as anyone that the Indians should return with their sheaves reasonably full in order that they may hold up their heads before their critics on the other side of the water. It will be time enough to discuss this possibility at length. when the nature of the Government's statement is revealed. The point of interest at the moment is the effect of the Conference on the situation in Indi To compose that situation to the development of a favourable atmosphere for ushering in the new order, Lord Irwin—or in less than three months' time—Lord Willingdon will desire, while relaxing no vigilance in dealing with violent revolutionary crime, to detach from the Congress elements those politicians who can be said to recognize the force of reasoned argument. It will be necessary to discriminate, for example, between Mr. Gandhi and the rely Volutionaries and, again, between Mr. Gandhi' and those of the Congress politicians who believe in the reality of their political ability and are not disposed indefinitely to be chasing shadows when the substance available. Their contention in the past has been that the substance has not been forthcoming. Their refusal to go to London was based on the conviction that this condition would not change. Mr. Gandhi, who finds in shadows his greatest inzpiration, cannot be dealt with on those lines. Nor is it fair to class him with the revolutionaries however, much indirect encouragement his nebulous con~ servetism may appear to give to their reckless nihilism.
To arrive at some estimate of the chances of effecting this classification and so providing the returned delegates with prospect of good political support it may be useful to record impressions made by Conference on India itself, To begin with the Congress newspapers, having urged a boycott in their columns of the cables and despatches dealing with the Conference are, to quote from an authoritative source, "as keen on publishing the proceedings of and messages! relating to the Conference and on commenting on them as those who have a firm faith POs ities."
One organ of implacable Congress views surprised itself possibly by giving eight column: to the Conference in a single issue and by adding the remarkable comment that it was pleasantly surprised by Mr. Ramsay MacDonald's opening speech as a "notable contribution" which promised an "equitable settlement." Moreover support of the idea of a Federation of India has been forthcoming from the "Hindu" and the "Leader" which, respectively Congress and advanced Nationalist in their polities, are the ablest edited Indian journals. There is of course the other side of the picture. Wreckers and their coadjutors have been busy London and in India in trying to muddy the wells of com promise. Their failure cannot] be definitely proclaimed until the delegates return and their reactions to public discussions of the Conference are discerned. The movement towards conciliation has received much impetus from the readiness of the Government in India to accept apologies in Court or in gaol in condonation of offences other than those of revolution ary violence. The provincial records show that advantage has been taken of this clemency by a number of penitent politicians. Although it would be dangerous—especially after 50 stormy a year in India as that of 1930—to bank overmuch on this kind of development, for the moment the absence of a focus for attack on the Govern: ment handicaps the Congress party and thus the assertion of moderate views becomes easier. Still other factors are favourable; India is sick of the commercial boycott and the resultant dislocation in trade. The effect therefore of the Conference may be to accelerate the activities of those who desire to re-establish normal trading conditions free of political obsessions. There can be little doubt that the attitude of the Indian Princes and, in a remarkable de+ gree, the speech of the Marquis of Reading have contributed to the growing conviction that the Conference really does present India with a great opportunity. If this atmosphere can be deve loped it will not of itself dis" pose of the widespread revolutionary campaign with which the Government's devoted British and Indian potice have been grappling. It should, however, help to create a. sufficiently, strong body of political opinion of all shades of thought for the inauguration of the Constitution as soon as authority for framing it hag been given, It should therefore enable the process of isolating the revolutionaries to proceed smoothly to completion.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.