May 3.
Os April 14 last the first meeting took place at the Foreign Office between the Soviet Mission and British representatives. Since than we have heard of various sub-committees being formed to examine various ques tions—much like Xenophon' soldiers marching forty parasangs and having breakfast—and that is all we know about the negotiations. On the other hand, we have heard several things which make more and more slender the chances of any material outcome of those negoiutions and reveal new surprises in the mind of that strange creature, the Russian Bolshevist. "These it may be of interest to} recall.
Beginning at the end of March (about the time when the Soviet! Mission would have bean packing its portmanteaux) we find Zinovieft stating in Moscow that Britain's claims amount to} some 10,000 million gold roubles, with three milliards for arrears lof interest. But, he added, Russia did not intend to make concessions in this respect and she had presented a. counter claim. exceeding Britain's demands.
Next comes Trotsky's famous apothegm at Tiflis on April 11, three days before the two sides met, in London, that, (Mr. MacDonald's Cabinet has)
absolutely no principles; nevertheless the success of the Anglo-Russian conference would strengthen its: position.
In other wor Mr. Mac-Donald's recognition of the Soviot Government was merely a vote-catching device. 'There is nothing like- insulting' your' vie-a8 much. a8 you can in order to open negotiations int thie best spirit, especially when you want to get something. out of him.
The day before the "Foreign Office meeting, leading London bankers sent a memorandum Mr. MacDonald explaining that if thio Russian Government wis ed to restore its oredit in Britain, it must disgorge the pros perly it had stolen, respect private rights aid the sanctity of contracts and leave" private trading untrainmelled: as for' loan, thie memorandum reminded the Soviet: that that dependa, not upon Governments or banke, but upon the confidence of pri-vote investors. All very simple and obvious, but it has stirred the good Bolshevik to frenzy. "This is to bid us cease: being Communists" exclaimed 'Trote sky at Moscow on April 21. "Why do they require that of us, when we do not require them to' cease being bourgeoisie Even more furious was the All~ Russian Council of Trades ions. To ask us to recognize our debts," they cry, "will degrade Russians to the level of coolies."
"If England gives us credite Il repay a, moderate por centage, but private property, will never be returned to foreign owners." Wo shall forbid com-
Russian capitalist The answer to Trotsky is, of course, that nobody cares when ther he calls himself a Communa worshipper of Central African Juju; but if he wants to do business abroad, he must comply with the terms on whicl business is done. Rakovsky, head of the Soviet Mission in London, tried to neutralize the effect of the Trades Unione' de claration by explaining—th they had no official status; and coming straight to the point, he pleaded for a loan, at the: sumo time carefully pointing out that the bankers' terms were quite impossible; they constituted ant impermissible interference with! Russia's internal affairs; and, of course, no private property could be restored, though it might, perhaps, be'leased to its former owners. The effect of these speeches and communications is in no way mitigated by the recent report of the jamboree at Moscow's Propaganda' University which accompanied the sending forth of a freskt batch of Communist agents speally trained to foment revolution in Central Asia and India.
So now we all Imow, exactly what to expect of the Soviet Mission in London and the sooner it gets back to Russin and stops wasting the time of Foreign Office clerks the better. "Except for barren cognition, there is clearly nothing to hope of relations between Great Britain and the Soviet; and we should mot be surprised if Mr, Ramaay MacDonald were beginning to be sorry that he was ever delude fed into thinking otherwise, just as this paper is sorry. Yet there was a time when the evidence appeared at least very strong that the Soviet mind was changing, and had Lenin lived, it possible that something might have been done to revive sian credit in England. But with men like Trotsky, Zinoviolé and Chicherin dealings are impossible. 'The issue' is very clear, it did not really: need: the." bankers' memorandum to ex-n.confidence, and if the Sovieb plain it. 'Credit' is only based
wants to borrow money, it must convince'lenders that they caw. trust il 2
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.