The only circle which Congress now contemplates drawing is one round the United States, and while the possibility that one nation might be less responsible for war than another can~ not be denied entirely, it ts argued that moral responsibility has nothing to-do with the United States, 'The United States has no concern in' mora} judgments, she has no. business in trying to' prevent a war before It breaks out or attempting to settle it after It has started, Her sole concern keeping herself out of trouble, She not hor brother's keeper.
Senator Key Pittman, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Dlandly remarked on the subject of neutrality legislation, "We sympathize with the weak, but It is better for us that they suffer than that our citizens be dragged Into war unnecessarily. We cannot be deterred by the effect our domestic. action upon any Bolligerent."" Leaders of American, opinion, owing to the sincerity of their conviction that America should stay out of war and maintain com: plete Isolation, do their best to offset the sentimental and moral feelings of their countrymen by insisting first that all foreign wars are highly re~ greltable and secondly that the United States was deluded into entering the Last-war by munition makers and others anxious to make their profits sate, Munition Makers Investigated Senator Nye was so convinced that munition makers had dragged America into the last war that called a Congressional. investigation into being to prove it, His committee uncovered some discreditable side-gets In the munitions trade, but the thesis that-munition makers pushed the United States into the war could only be believed by those who had not read the evidence.
"There are many conflicting views held in and ut, of Congress on this subject of neutrality, Isolation or security, whatever name be applied to It, but there are certain axiomatic assumptions. In the frst place the object is not to stop wars or prevent wars, but to keep the United States out of wars—one might almost say out of the 1038 European War, The second neutrality axiom is that in applying appropriate measures to Keep the United States within its charmed elrele no discrimination shall be shown, All warring countries must be treated alike, The United States will have nothing to do with this League conception of bringing pressure to bear on an aggressor. MWhat. Ig truth," asked Pilate as he washed his hands of a great moral Issue. "What 1s aggression" asks the United States, dismissing another great moral issue because of its complexity.
Mr, Hull's Thesls A year ago only when the neutrality question was being discussed the two most active schools of thought were those who wished to keep the United States out of war by a self-imposed blockade and those who wished to ald the League under the guise of neutrality, Sald Mr. Cordell Hull on November 8, 1935—"In_ summary, while our primary alm should be to avoid involvement in other peoples dimeulties and hence to lessen our chanees of being drawn into a war, we should, on appropriate occasions and within reasonable bounds, vse our Influence towards the prevention of war and miseries that attend and follow in its wake. For after all. if peace obtains. problems regarding neutrality will not arise."
In advancing the dangerous doctrine that a good way to keep out of war! would be to see that no wars took place the Secretary of State was not acting with quite the temerity which might be supposed. He was in fact following a consistent line of thought which had dominated the State Department since the time of the Kellogg Pact and had been re-enforced by President Roosevelt himself both personally and through the mouth of Mr, Norman Davis at Geneva, An enthusiastic editorial writer! shortly after Mr. Davis had explained the American disarmament proposals wrote—"any shreds of America's Isolation policy which remained atter President Roosevelt's peace appeal to all nations were removed by th American declaration at Geneva. There may be a few Americans who sully believe in the ostrich policy of isolation, But their number cannot be large" To-day the ostriches have triumphed. The same editorial writer continues, "Under the old policy of fgolation we sat by powerless and idle while Europe made a war which sucked us In, Under the new policy we propose to ce-operate In prevent ing War and promise in event of war that we shall not take a position that} will ald the aggressor."
The shreds of America's isolation policy have now been patched and repaired and form a large sized wind-Ing sheet. The whole object of present endeavour is Isolation and the: only matter which is being debated, how It can best be secured.
Mandatory or Discretionary 'A. great deal has been spoken of the "difference between mandatory' and discretionary neutrality legislation. When this issue was first Introduced into\ the discussion the discretion which the President was to be given applied to the countries against' whom measures! were to be taken, Since the day's of the Kellogg Pact the State Department had striven for an embargo polley which would not have to be in-Voked against both or all belligerent.
Now that the embargo legislation hag been broadened into neutrality legislation the State Department has thrown up its hands. Tt accepts the doctrine that any measures taken against belligerents must be universal. The outlaw nation and the League powers hunting the outlaw must, be treated alike. As a matter of fact] the possibility of all League nations uniting against one or more dis obedient nations and using force to compel them to behave Is considered too remote to merit attention. In American eyes the League, as a world policeman, Is considered io be dead.
The only discretion which Con-ress is prepared to allow the Pre-Sident Is" discretion in ascertaining fact, All agree that Congress cannot lay down in detail the circumstances which would justify the name "war." The President must therefore be al-' lowed to decide when war exists and when civil strife has reached a stage which must be described as war. 'Once he has made his decision and proclaimed that war exists within any. country or between countries certain' Provisions must be applied automatic cally.
There is dispute over these provisions but on some there Is general agreement. No Congressman objects to an embargo being laid upon arms and implements of war, nor a ban being placed upon loans to. belligerents, nor to n warning that trade with: belligerents or travel on bel-Tigerent vessels is conducted at the trader's or the traveller's own risk. The dispute is over measures which should be taken beyond this.
The Halfway House At ore time there was a strone! group in Congress who insisted the United States should isolate itself completely and forbid trade of any Kind with belligerents. That would Be the direct opposite of the old neutral rights or freedom of the seas theory which was that the United States should trade to the fullest possible extent with all belligerents The majority of Congressmen have now adopted a halfway house between these two extremes. The old doctrines had in the past, and would
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.