By the overwhelming majority of 439 to two, the French Chamber of Deputies has passed a vote of confidence in the Chautemps Government, 174 of the deputies, for some unexplained reason failing to vote. The resolution specifically approved the declarations made by the Government of its intentions to maintain peace and respect treaties within the framework of the principle of collective security and the League of Nations, and the support which was given the French Cabinet clearly shows that its foreign policy is acceptable to the Chamber. That is of considerable importance to the whole of Europe.
It clearly warns the totalitarian states that, while there may be very considerable difference of opinion amongst French legislators on matters of domestic concern, when it comes to the question of France's foreign policy there is a very real unity. On the other hand the result of the division should serve to reassure those in friendlier countries who have viewed recent occurrences in France with no little anxiety. There have been many Britons, who in view of the insecurity of the average French Cabinet, and the frequency with which political crises occur in France, have come to regard France as a definite liability to Great Britain vis-à-vis of that nation's policy in Europe, that the instability of French Governments makes it unwise to depend too much upon them, and it is because of that that considerable force has been given to the argument that the British Government would be well advised to look elsewhere for other and perhaps more dependable friendships. That view is now shown to be completely erroneous. The vote demonstrates that the many different parties in France are ready and willing to submerge all their differences into one common purpose directly the safety of France and its foreign policy is threatened. Thus notice is served upon those nations which would seek to fish in the troubled waters of French politics that when the interests of the country are threatened the men of all parties, no matter how much they may differ, are Frenchmen first, and politicians afterwards, One of the interesting features of the debate which preceded the division is the sympathetic manner in which Britain's desire to reach a better understanding with Italy is regarded by the French leaders. M. Chautemps expressed the hope that the forthcoming negotiations between those two countries would end successfully. "A unanimous feeling of sympathy prevails in France," he said. "We would gladly conclude a new agreement wita the Italian Government, but conflicts have occurred which France sincerely wishes to see settled. If France is granted sufficient guarantees for non-intervention in Spain and the maintenance of the Mediterranean situation, I would most gladly tighten our relations with Italy." In that is to be found complete support for the action which Mr. Neville Chamberlain took the previous week-end, and, in making the statement he has, M. Chautemps has considerably reinforced the position of the British Prime Minister and at the same time administered a stinging rebuke to those critics in the House of Commons who contended that Mr. Chamberlain was betraying Anglo-French friendship. Indeed M. Chautemps goes a long way with the British leader when he says that French policy would remain based on the League of Nations without imperilling Franco-British ce-operation, and his emphasizing of the fact that security is not based upon the Covenant of the League, but on international ententes the most precious of which was the one with Britain. The Premier's speech amounted to a definite declaration that he did not find Anglo-French relations disturbed by Mr. Chamberlain insisting upon the adoption of his policy with regard to the overtures from Italy, and it is supported by the declaration of M. Delbos, Foreign Minister to the effect that France loved peace, but not peace at any price.
The French attitude towards recent developments in Central Europe was clearly set forth. France will not permit any foreign Power to change the boundaries of Central Europe nor gain a foothold in Spain. From that it is clear that she intends completely to protect her undeniable rights in the Mediterranean and may be expected to support whatever demands Great Britain may eventually have to make of Italy in this respect. Indeed the general tone of the speeches convey the impression that Frenchmen, no matter of what party, are at all times determined to take energetic action in defence of the nation's interests irrespective of where they may be situated. Thus while there is no intention to intervene in the struggles which are at present going on in the world, it is perfectly plain that France will not allow her interests to be harmed from whatever might emerge as settlements of these unhappy disputes. The general result of the happenings of the past week should have an important effect upon the situation in Europe. The complete solidarity between Great Britain and France has been emphatically demonstrated, the community of their purpose clearly shown; this may possibly contribute largely to the successful settlement of Anglo-Italian difficulties, and thereby pave the way for a better understanding between France and Italy. From that point of view the Chamber of Deputies has rendered a valuable contribution towards the stabilization of conditions in Europe. It has done even more. [It has assisted in showing the world that the Anglo-French entente will go to' very great lengths in the service of peace; but there are limits, and the forthright statements of M. Chautemps and Delbos, and of Mr.
Chamberlain, should do much to remove any mijseonceptions as to where both the Powers stand when it comes to common protection of their interests.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.