Two of the most important questions of local concern, which have come prominently to the fore recently, relate to the request for the return to the Municipality of Greater Shanghai of the records of the Chinese Land Office, deposited with the Shanghai Municipal Council by Mayor Wu Teh-chen, on the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese hostilities in 1937, and the ultimate fate of the Chinese Courts in the International Settlement and the French Concession. As far back as July 22, 1938, this journal, commenting on the former, wrote Another hindrance to the land market is the fact that the Chinese Land Office has ceased to function. The issue of title deeds is out of the question, but with the co-opera ation of consular officials it has been found possible to devise a scheme for carrying on. The re-establishment of an official land office is a prime need, and it is hoped that, once normality has been restored, it will be possible speedily to erect the necessary machinery, with, it is hoped, many of the disadvantages eliminated.
That was written while there was still a certain degree of insecurity around Shanghai, and recognized that the situation in the environs of Shanghai was still abnormal. In October of the same year, however, Mr. Fu Siao-en became Mayor of Greater Shanghai, and there can be no gainsaying the fact that, during the past year and three-quarters, conditions have improved to such a degree that it can be said without fear of contradiction the situation is as normal as can reasonably be expected. There cannot be the slightest criticism of the Shanghai Municipal Council in accepting the responsibility for the safe custody of the records of the Chinese Land Office. To have left them on the scene of hostilities would have led to their dispersal to the four winds, resulting in a perfectly chaotic state in the land market outside the foreign areas. It was an act of prudence and neutrality. Conditions since the Council accepted that responsibility have very materially changed. It is desirable that this should be recognized, and the de facto government, administering the affairs of the environs of this port, given every facility for carrying out their functions.
Matters such as this have to be considered in a purely realistic light. It does not matter where sympathies may lie in the issue between China and Japan; problems such as these have to be faced squarely in view of existing conditions. It is a fact that the fiat of the Chinese National Government. at Chungking does not run in this area. It is consequently unable to function, and it i: absurd to contend that the whole life of this district should remain in a state of suspension while history decides what is to be the outcome of the present struggle. Yet that must be the case unless all ce-operation possible is afforded the de facto authorities who are seeking to improve the fortunes of Shanghai and its surroundings. The case, therefore, for the return of these documents to the Municipality of Greater Shanghai is a strong one, for that municipality is endeavouring to carry on just as are those of the foreign areas. It is necessary that that point should be stressed. An endeavour has been made during Mr. Fu Siao-en's mayoralty to improve relationships between the International Settlement and the Municipality of Greater Shanghai, and progress has been made. Agreement with regard to policing the "badlands" has been reached, though there appears, for some reason which has not been disclosed, some delay in implementing it. It is to be hoped that further progress will eventually lead to the formation of the new police force which that agreement contemplates and another important issue thus got out of the way.
The return of the records of the Chinese Land Office, will enable the Municipality of Greater Shanghai to establish adequate control over land transactions outside the foreign areas. Consequently, to insist on retaining them in the International Settlement, under the safe custody of the Municipal Council, must cause no small amount of inconvenience to the Municipality of Greater Shanghai in the administration of its own affairs, and it is only reasonable to suggest that such inconvenience should be removed, and with it a possible cause of irritation. There is not the slightest reason for doubting that a newly reconstituted Chinese Land Office would not prove to be equally as efficient as its predecessor which existed prior to the time of the outbreak of Sino-Japanese hostilities. It is believed that the plan devised with the assistance of consular officials has worked admirably up to the present, and would probably continue to do so, but the fact does remain that the de facto government desires to establish a Land Office of its own, and from a purely realistic point of view, and distinct from the entirely doctrinaire, that desire should be gratified. Indeed it may be safely urged that, so long as essential rights are not involved, everything possible should be done by the respective authorities to ensure that there shall be that close ce-operation without which it is not possible to improve conditions in and around Shanghai. Very slowly it is true, but nevertheless perceptibly there has been improvement in the relationships between the administrations of the foreign areas and their environs which this journal has heartily welcomed. It is highly desirable that every effort should be directed towards the continuance of that improvement, for much of the future of Shanghai and its prosperity depends upon it. To retain the Land Office records because only the National Government at Chungking is the recognized Government is to take a technical diplomatic view from which there is nothing to be gained except inconvenience and irritation all round. To hand them over to the administration of Greater Shanghai is. the only convenient solution of the problem which has any chance at all of being productive of good results, and while it is not yet reported that agreement to do so has been reached, the hope may be expressed that this will eventually prove to be the solution. Thus another important outstanding issue will have been settled and the atmosphere all round considerably bettered thereby.
Landings in France The daring landing of British soldiers and marines at several points on the French coast, which took the Germans completely by surprise and caused them a number of casualties, has greatly heartened the Empire. Much valuable information has been obtained and it can be taken for granted that all the German stores which could be got at were destroyed. It was pointed out in these columns a few days ago that the long coastline now possessed by Hitler, from the Finnish border to Spain, has given him a much better chance to harass British shipping and has increased the burdens of the British navy considerably. These landings, however, serve to show up the other side of the picture. Hitler may have gained great advantages by his expansion, but he has also greatly increased his responsibilities in the defence of this huge territory. The possibility of sudden British raids into his lines being made at any moment will force him to keep large numbers of men constantly on the watch. He will never know where or when another series of raids might be made, and his troops will be kept in suspense and suffer from the exasperating feeling that they cannot hit back. For command of the sea is necessary if such raids are to be carried out on the English coast, and the Nazis are very far from possessing anything of the sort. The falseness of Hitler's boast that, by the occupation of the French coast, he has closed the English Channel is also exposed by the hardy raiders, who were able to land right under the noses of the most powerful army in the world, do what they came to do, and get away again without losing a man. Does this argue command of the Channel?
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.