The Archive · 1939

The Foreign Debate

Aug. 2

If the remarks of Mr, Neville Chamberlain on the subject of criticisms of the Craigie Arita formula are read in Shanghai with some degree of heartburning in certain quarters no surprise need be felt. Describing one interpretation advanced by Sir Archibald Sinclair as fantastic, the Prime Minister went fon to point out what good ammunition was provided thus for those who did not wish Britain well. "These suggestions," he went fon to say, "are not merely injurious, but they are calculated to weaken our influence in the world." For the rest the view adopted by this journal that the formula was a statement of fact, denoted no change of policy, conveyed no recognition of belligerent rights' on the part of Japan, betrayed no British interests in China and did not purport or intend to surrender any rights. be-Jonginy to third parties, is supported by the Prime Minister and is & complete answer to those who criticize it. With regard to the silver in the Chinese banks in Tientsin the assurance given by Mr. Chamberlain, that questions of this character would not be discussed without the fullest communication with other countries whose interests were equally involved with those of Great Britain, eminently satisfactory, and should set at rest those fears that unilateral action might be taken by Great Britain which would Jeopardize the rights and interest of other nations. It was certainly no part of the Prime Minister's duty to have pointed out, as Sir John Wardlaw-Milne did subsequently that Britain has ample means by economic or ancial reprisals to force a different treatment of British interests by the Japanese Government, though even he would rather that these matters be settled in co-opera tion and friendly discussion. Had Mr. Chamberlain gone to such lengths he would have laid himself open to criticism of adopting prematurely an antagonistic attitude which would not contribute anything towards the achievement of a satisfactory result of the negotiations at Tokyo, In order that Great Britain shall be free from blame for anything that might happen subsequent to a breakdown of the negotiations it is neces~ sary that she shall be able to demonstrate to the world at large that she has done everything possible, consistent with her dignity, 10 arrive atlan amicable settlement.

In the debate upon the Government's foreign policy Mr. Chamberlain announced the decision to commence military conversations with Moscow, even before a political understanding with the Soviet has been reached. The main difficulty in negotiating the Anglo-French-Russian military alliance for mutual defence has centred around the definition of "indirect aggression," and it seems clear that the point at issue is as to how widely the definition can be drawn without committing the parties to action which it might not be possible historically to justify, There are eases in which indirect aggression might be just as significant as more open methods, but it must require very considerable statesmanship to avoid accei ing the widest of commitments likely plunge Europe into bloodshed on issues which may not be too apparent to the masses. Mr. Chamberlain's rebuke of Mr. Hugh Dalton was well deserved. It applies just forcibly to others, in Parliament and out, who seek to force the Prime Minister's hand by criticisms which are for the most part ill-founded and for the rest merely serve to spread suspicion amongst Britain's allies. No one would suggest for a moment that anything should be done to restrict the British traditional freedom of speech, but there is Justice in the suggestion that parliament {arians would be well advised to realize their responsibility, not only in keeping a watchful eye upon' the Government, but at the same time doing nothing to interfere with the successful attainment of its policies. In this connection it should be pointed out that the Opposition are equally desirous the Government—if indeed, even not more #0,—to arrive at a pact with Russia, and anything which is done likely to place obstacles in the way of a final agreement does a disservice not only to the Government, but the nation as a whole, Mr. Chamberlain's reference to the pro= paganda war which has been actively carried on by the Dictator states is an import ant one. The manner in which the world thas been flooded with misrepresentation does credit to the machinery set up for that purpose by the totalitarian states and snys much for their industry, but little for any desire for peace which they may have. The decision by the British Government to set up 'a Ministry of Information has been met with howls of protests from those whose activities it is sought to offset by such means. The step has been taken very belatedly, but was the only possible answer to the activities of Axis Powers. That it must tend to exacerbate feelings, instead of mollifying them, is a regrettable but inevitable fact, and it can only be hoped that some day the various Governments concerned will realize that this war of words is more destructive of the prospects of peace than, perhaps, even the accumulation of instruments of warfare. There is, and should be no question at present pending which could not be solved by negotiation, The Axis Powers have declared that the time for negotiation is long past, from which it is to be deduced that they look ultimately to a settlement of pending issues by the sword. Should that come about it does not much matter who emerged the victor, for as Mr. Chamberlain has rightly said victor and vanquished would reap a gruesome harvest. There may be something in what he says when he expresses the belief that that profound and funda~ mental truth was beginning to get into the minds of rulers and people alike. The Dictators probably fully realize that terrible truth, but time alone will tell whether it is having any effect upon their policies. Tt may with safety be said that there is not a nation whose people in their own hearts desire to go to war again. The lessons of the last one have been learned in bitterness, and the generation which passed through that awful experience has still powerful say in the councils of the world, in the democracies certainly, if not in the totality slates. No one wants war who has any memory of what happened twenty odd years ago, though it has been made quite clear that only in strength is security to be found.

Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.

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