Parliamentary reaction to the latest LR.A. bombing outrages resulted in the passing of the third reading of the Prevention of Violence Bill in record time by the House of Commons on Wednesday. It had been stated at the time of the second reading that, while Labour did not wholly approve of all the provisions of the proposed measure, it would not oppose it, and it was thought on Wednesday that one more day would be all that would be necessary to get the Bill through the House. -Such was the indignation of members of the Commons that the extra day's debate was abandoned and within the space of five minutes the third reading was rushed through, and the Bill sent to the House of Lords. It may confidently be expected that the Upper House will deal with it in just as swift a manner, for, though it has been said that Britons were more likely to be bored than terrified by these acts of the Irish political underworld, there can be no doubt that whatever boredom there might have been has been transformed into the greatest indignation. It will not be at all surprising if the Bill has received the Royal Assent by the end of the week, for public opinion will undoubtedly demand that the police and other authorities who are dealing with this menace shall be provided with the widest possible powers at the very earliest moment, and the rounding up of suspects which is expected to follow may reveal much information' which those responsible for the maintenance of law and order would like to have. The amendment providing that no person suspected of an offence under the Act may be detained for more than 48 hours without being brought before a magistrate, does seem somewhat of a severe restriction in view of the powers which were sought, but there is always the safeguard that it does not require a great deal of evidence to secure a remand for a week, so that plenty of leeway seems to be given the authorities.
Mr. Eamonn de Valera's round condemnation of these outrages would have been somewhat more convincing if he had retrained from coupling them up with Eire's grievances. It is well-known that the LR.A. has been outlawed in Ireland, just as well as it is realized that partition is resented by Eire, which eagerly desires union with Northern Ireland, but the issue is not at the present time what shall be the fate of Ireland, but as to whether the Government of Eire considers justified and expedient the bombing activities of certain citizens of Eire in Britain. To that question there could be only one possible answer, and that should have been an unequivocal condemnation of those men who are no more than ordinary criminals, no matter what political motives they may claim for their activities, and who are in fact following a course of action which renders it all the more impossible that an atmosphere could be created in which Mr. de Valera's aspirations can even be considered.
Of the criminality of such behaviour there cannot be the slightest doubt, while of its political insanity there can only be the completest conviction. It would have been better if Mr. de Valera had confined himself to the denunciation asked for, instead of bringing in other matters which might look like an endeavour, however weak it may be, to palliate these crimes. It is reported that he created a sensation in the Senate when he suggested as a remedy for all this turmoil embroiling the two countries that those in the North, numbering 80,000, should be bought out, compensated and allowed to go elsewhere if they did not desire to live-in a united Ireland. With a total population of 1,279,753 in 1937, those 80,000, to whom he refers apparently returned 39 Unionists and two Independent Unionists to the lower House as compared with 8 Nationalists and one each of Labour, Independent, and Independent Labour at the last general election. If Mr. de Valera's figures are correct, and it does not seem that they can be, then a very small minority tail has for a long time been wagging a very large majority dog.
But the question of how the issue between Eire and Great Britain is to be settled is of no particular importance as compared with the necessity of putting an end to this campaign of terrorism, though it may be safely said that conduct, such as this, is the least likely to bring about that change of public opinion in Britain without which it will be impossible to secure the much desired union of north and south Ireland, even if it could be possible to persuade it to agree to the withdrawal of the very definite guarantees which have been given to the former. Of this there may be the completest certain the chances of bending Great Britain's will in this matter by the destruction of life, and property, and the infliction of injuries upon perfectly innocent persons is extremely small. It never has yielded to such forms of-persuasion in the past, and is just as unlikely to do so in the future. It is because of the futility of such conduct that the criminality of the perpetrators of these acts is emphasized. The severity of the sentences which have been meted out up to the present does not appear to have das a: suf it deterrent. his life the guilty persons if apprehended would run the risk of a capital sentence, and it may be that only that, and its execution will bring home to these people that there is no shelter for them under an attempt at political justification. There is also the uncomfortable feeling that many of the guilty accept their punishment in the belief that in any settlement, which they think their behaviour might hurry, they would receive an amnesty. Were it made quite plain that they are regarded as, and will continue to be treated as the criminals they are it might act as something of a deterrent, while if legislation were passed providing for the infliction of pain in cases where innocent Persons were made to suffer injury, even greater restraint might be exercised over the activities of these gentry. It is a fact that there is plenty of sentiment in Britain against the retention of flogging, even for crimes of violence, but there is a huge mass of expert opinion which realizes that reformation of such brutes as these cannot be hoped for, and that the application of the lez talions is the only fitting remedy. As the law stands it is an anomaly that for hitting a man over the head and robbing him, a man can be flogged, though another, who may maim for life people against whom he has not the slightest possible grievance, is permitted to escape with whole skin.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.