Closely connected with the public schools is the question of national religious education, which is now receiving very serious attention. One would not perhaps claim that religious teaching in the public schools is al it might be. But it exists and the daily attendance at chapel assists in teaching boys what religion is and the outstanding features and facts of Christianity. In the national schools religious teaching is a mere farce.
The question was brought to the fore several weeks ago by an article in "The Times" entitled, "Religion and National Life." Reprinted in leafüet form, this has sold by many hundreds of thousands, and a most interesting and valuable correspondence on the subject has been running daily in "The Times."
Certain indisputable facts have been brought out. Masses of the young people of today are ignorant of the elementary truths of religion (how many, who are counting the days to Easter, know in the least what it commemorates?) In the rate-aided secondary schools, the proportion of scholars who take religion as one of their subjects was only 32 per cent. in 1917 and in 1937 was 17 per cent.
The training of teachers in methods of religious instruction is grossly deficient. Religion has no place at all in the schemes of many new universities and university colleges. Even at Oxford, and, I believe Cambridze too, attendance at chapel is now optional.
The importance of these facts is the more appreciated as the spiritual issues in the present war are increasingly realized.
Going to call at the Chinese Embassy the day before yesterday I was pleased to observe the whole of the outside of the house being painted, which indeed it needed. It is a huge house and will require a huge quantity of paint. A great gesture o 9t China's confidence in every way.
Melbourne, Mar. 5.
News that the first contingent of Australian troops to go abroad had arrived at Suez was greeted with extravagant enthusiasm by the Australian Press. Editors, released from the reticence imposed by the Censor, made the most of the occasion, and special articles long held in reserve were rushed into print to adorn and magnify the tale.
This journalistic flag-flapping does not reflect the true temper of the Australian people today, and is anything but popular. The present war is regarded as a very serious affair, and while the Australian people are impressively united in their determination to support Britain to tae limit, they resent attempts to revive the glamour associated with war in a less enlightened age. Having taker their stand, which they did without hesitation, they feel that publicity designed to arouse irrational and emotional manifestations of patriotism is unnecessary, and they do not need the newspapers to tell them where their duty lies.
This feeling is intensified by the suspicion that powerful, interests behind that section of the Press most given to flag-flapping are inspired by a desire to influence national policy. The people would rather the Government they elected were left to frame its own war policy without such interference, specially since it is obvious that the present Prime Minister, Mr. Menzies, is bent on maintaining a sane and realistic attitude towards the war, and on preparing for the struggle in a deliberate and systematic way.
It would not be surprising if this failure of the Press to realize that public opinion is much better informed and more intelligent than in 1914 resulted in some vigorous criticism of the newspapers before many months have passed.
Every Australian is proud that the first contingent has now joined the Allied forces, and that fact is politically significant, but it is no measure of Australia's intended participation in the war. Much greater things are planned, and plans are already well advanced.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.