The decision of the Allies to lay mine fields in Norwegian territorial waters, in order to prevent the Germans from obtaining supplies from Norway, and so diminish the effectiveness of the Allied blockade is a welcome one. No longer will German vessels be able io sneak along the coast of Norway either carrying iron ore or other contraband, or in the case of naval vessels using these same waters for purpose of evading the Allied naval blockade and reaching the high seas to raid Allied commerce, or attack neutral shipping. This latest development may be taken as marking a new phase in the war, and a speeding up of the tempo for which there has been much public demand in Britain and France. It needs to be borne in mind that this step, the result of much consideration, was taken with no feeling of enmity towards Norway. The difficult position of that country has been fully recognized all along. That, however, does not mean that the Allies can stand idly by, and watch a state of affairs being brought about which places them at a grave disadvantage, reducing Norway's neutrality to something in name only, not because Norway desires it, but because it is being forced upon her by the Reich. Much is being made of the alleged illegality of the procedure adopted. That argument is likely to fall on obstinately deaf ears, for the manner in which this war is being conducted by the Reich, the consistent breaches of international law of which it is guilty, relieves the Allies of the necessity of adhering to it. It may be argued that two wrongs do not made a right, and that the Allies should still observe every requirement of international law, but it is generally recognized that if one combatant ignores it the other can in justice take whatever steps in reprisal as may seem good to it. The laying of mines at three points along the Norwegian coast has been so arranged as to offer Norwegian coastal shipping the minimum of inconvenience, while at the same time it assures that all vessels including German will at three points be obliged to leave territorial waters where they can be intercepted by Allied patrols.
That roughly was the position for about twenty-four hours, when further developments occurred with breath-taking rapidity. The war has expanded in a manner which was regarded as always possible, and the world is witnessing first the rape of so inoffensive a country as Denmark, and the gallant spirit of Norway forced at last to take steps to defend itself against the iniquitous manner in which her neutrality has been destroyed. The attack on Denmark is just what was to be expected from a country which has shown great activity against smaller nations but which hesitates to strike against the Allies. It is as cowardly a piece of land-grabbing as any that Herr Hitler has done, and mankind is presented with the spectacle of a man inspired with insatiable ambitions working his wicked will upon innocent peoples. It is not to be believed that this step was taken as a quick decision following the Allied action in laying mines in Norwegian waters. There is all the evidence in the world, in the shape of various German troop movements, to show that it was only a question of time when this would come about, and the correct way of viewing the situation now created is to accept it as part of the general scheme which Herr Hitler has for the subjugation of Europe. The entry of Norway into the war through a declaration launched by herself, is in all probability due to the fact that the Germans were preparing to send forces into Norwegian territorial waters for the purpose of removing the mines which the Allies had laid. It might also be the result of the desperation and anger caused by the ruthless destruction of Norwegian shipping and the wanton slaughter of its crews. There something magnificent in the action of a small country manfully resorting to arms agairfst an overwhelmingly superior foe in a determination to maintain its own national integrity and it is to be hoped that the Allies will go swiftly to Norway's aid. It seemed unlikely that Germany will seek to send an army across to Norway, but more probable that it will resort to the methods used in the subjugation of Poland.
That can be offset by prompt action by the Allies. Notice should be served upon Berlin through a neutral diplomat that if one town of Norway is bombed from the air, the Allies will in their turn subject German towns to similar bombardment. It has been quite obvious all along that the reluctance of Herr Hitler to start the long threatened bombardment of Great Britain has been due to the knowledge that the Allies would re-tallote. The Reich should be informed that the Allies will make common cause with Norway, and that reprisals will be inflicted upon Germany for any aerial attacks she might make upon her smaller neighbour. That, and that alone, is the only means which may be expected to prevail upon Herr Hitler and his gang to hold their hands. There is a great significance in Norway's taking the action she has. In the first place it clearly demonstrates the enormous pressure under which she has been endeavouring to maintain her neutrality, and in the second it is to be taken as an expression of confidence in the ultimate victory of the Allies. For the latter this surprising development has its advantages. The sea blockade of Germany is now complete. It will be impossible for German vessels at present taking refuge in foreign ports to hope to run the blockade which has thus been completed, and Allied naval vessels, which have been keeping watch on them, will be relieved to a very considerable extent to undertake other and equally important duties. Supplies of iron from Narvik have thus been cut off, and, if Germany is so foolish as to embark upon war with Sweden to get control of its huge deposits, what might have been transported through the Baltic, may also be stopped. The whole development may prove not at all to German liking. The Reich may still be able to avoid fighting on more than one front, but it is clear that, as its desperation increases, similar adventures to this may be expected, in which event there would be fighting on a second front which would deprive Germany of her supplies from the south. This striking example of the rake's Be Sure to Vote it is an astonishing fact that a number of residents of Shanghai do not yet appear to appreciate the very real necessity for voting solidly for the five British and two American candidates selected by straw votes conducted in each community. There should be no mistake about it; the status quo can only be maintained by making quite sure that all British and American votes shall be polled in such a manner. It is only thus that a split vote can be avoided. If such a thing does come about then the chances of the Japanese placing all their five candidates on the Council will be great, and a Japanese dominated administration will be the result. With the control which exists in the Japanese community it is confidently expected that there will be very few abstentions from the polls on their part. While everything is being done to persuade all British and American voters to register their suffrages, including the provision of transportation where necessary, an appeal is made to their esprit de corps to make it certain that they will be by no means behindhand in fulfilling their duties as ratepayers and voters. Every vote which is not recorded, every vote which does not plump for the seven selected candidates is tantamount to a vote in support of the Japanese, for not only must the vote not be split but it must be as completely representative of the British and American interests as it is possible to make it. No votes should be given to the Japanese candidates, for with only seven British and American candidates receiving suffrages the Japanese community may safely be relied upon to return two of their own men, thus making up the nine foreign members of the Municipal Council. Occidental voters owe it to themselves to see that the British and American candidates are adequately supported, and the men to be voted for are Messrs, N. F. Allman, J. W. Carney, G. A. Haley, W. J. Keswick, G. E. Mitchell, Roderick G. MacDonald and T. S. Powell.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.