The introduction of the President's Arms Lending BIll to Congress in the early days of January was for many reasons one of the most important developments in American Policy towards the war. It marked the third Gistinet change since the German armies moved into Poland. The central feature of this third and greatest change in American foreign policy was that Congress was for the first time asked directly to modify its former Policy of Impartiality and adopt an attitude of diplomatic favouritism. Tt was not asked directly to repeal the Neutrality "Act, but was asked to pass a bill which would have the effect of destroying the last threads of American neutrality and would place the United States clearly and without equivocal tion in the category of a non-belligerent supporter of the Democracies, Signs of change were noticeable carly in December, while the President was still cuperating, in the Caribbean from a streng uncusly fought election. Secretary. of State Cordelt Hull began to receive reports from aprond which made him realize that the attitude of the United States was altogether too casual. Military victories were being obtained in "Albania and in Northern Africa, Dut if those victories were to be consolidated and continued, vast amounts of military supplies would be necessary, 'The United States was receiving constant_calls from Greece, from China and from Britain itself for more arms and more planes, while American industry, instead of being' able to meet this need, was supplying less than had been anticipated during the summer, The defence commissioner in charge of production, Mr. Knudsen, spoke of the "terrible urgency" of the situation, The critical time was coming, he made clear, not at some date towards the end of 1941 or the beginning of 1942, but within the next three months, When the President returned from his cruise, he found his leading Administration officials anxious and eager for him to make some bold move which would put new life into the country's lagging defence efforts and which would assure to the countries fighting aggression a continuous flow of supplies. He algo found that the Treasury Department and British financial mission had been discussing what could be done when Britain's available dollar vesourees in the United States had. been exhausted: Another factor in the situa tion was that during his absence, various Igolationist groups had increased their activity, The Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies was split on the question of whether that aid should be undertaken even at the risk of war, while in opposition to it, two extremely ' active groups, the America First Committee, and the No Foreign Wars Committee, were making effective appeals to the public, "The President grasped the nettle boldly. Once this plan for leasing or lending American arms to Britain, Greece and China, had been proposed, every effort was made to swing public opinion into line behind it. First, the President made a fireside chat in which he spoke more plainly than ever fore of the dangers which America would face if there were an Axis victory. "Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now." Tt was in danger because three aggressor powers, Germany, Italy and Japan, had "joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion pro Gramme of these three nations—a programme aimed at world control—they would unite in ultimate action, against the United States.
The teader of the most powerful of the three had stated only three weeks before the President spoke, "There are two worlds that stand opposed. to each other." In view of this threat, said the President, no one had any right to urge Britain to make peace with Germany. Such a peace would merely be the prelude for further expansion. The United States and all American countries "would be living at the point of a gun." The arid would be run by threats of brute force andi to survive in such a world, we would have (0 convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.'
It was equally important, the President maintained, to ald British resistance now, for only if Britain survived,' would the United States be able to avoid having to fight a last ditch war later. "In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest." They were the "defenders in the front lines." America's task was to see that they were fully supplied with everything required to carry out the struggle, "All our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more of everything." The President made no mention of his arms lending plan. "He merely insisted that for the sake of American security arms must, flow abroad in ever increasing quantities and that America! must be "the great arsenal of Democracy."
The President proposed, instead of-2 lean, that within a reasonable time, following the close of hostilities, similar materials should be restored to the United States or at the option of the President other goods should be accepted. "Let us say to the Democracies, We Americans are vitally concerned in your defence of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organiz~ ing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever increasing numbers ships, planes, tanks and guns. This is our purpose and our pledge'.
There were, as the President declared in his fireside chat, risks in any course the United States could take, but there would be less risks if the United States financed a British war effort than if it allowed Ger~ many to triumph or encourage Britain accept a negotiated peace. By "risks" is meant the possibility of American lives being lost in actual fighting. 'The President believed that if Britain' is adequately supplied, "the Axis Powers are not going win' this war." Does he also. believe, orities asked immediately, that Britain will bbe able to loosen the German grip on the Continent of Europe without American military participation? Doubt on this score ig behind much of the current pressure for Great Britain to declare its war aims. When Britain is asked to declare her war aims, she is really being asked to state under what conditions she will be prepared to cease hostilities Must Germany be driven back behind her 1933 borders, or would she be allowed to retain some of the territory which she has acquired since Adolf Hitler came to power?
President Roosevelt declared in his fireside chat, "No man can tame a tiger into a Kitten by stroking it." This would seem to imply that the tiger, namely Hitler, must be put behind bars. At the moment the tiger's. Giplomatic representatives are accepted in. Washington and his Consular cubs recognized in leading American cities. This condition is in itself a form of appeasement and an inconsistency which is likely to cause trouble in the future. The President, however, is! not so much interested in maintaining logical pattern in his foreign policy as in achieving results and as long as inconsistent cles do not hamper the final objectives, he sees mo necessity for creating further cliff culties by attempting to get rid of them.
The President's message to the new Congress might well be compared with President Monroe's famous message of December 2, 1823. President Roosevelt tacitly repudiated a fundamental part of the Monroe Doctrine. President Monroe, following George Washing. ton, declared that the United States had no interest. in. the wars of European powers. President Roosevelt declared that, "Considerations for our own security will never permit tus to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors. and sponsored by appeasers."_President Monroe disclaimed any interest in the form of government of European nations. The United States would consider "the government de facto as the legitimate government for us." President Roosevelt made it clear that the United States would never rest Secure while the Nazi Government remained in power. In short, President Roosevelt has delivered a series of funeral orations over the grave of old-fashioned isolationism.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.