M. Maxim Litvinoff, in a broadcast in the English language and obviously directed to the British people, has urged that the Allies should strike immediately in the West so as to give Hitler the war on two fronts which he so much dreads, in more elements than the air. It will be recalled that since the unprovoked attack by-the Nazis upon the Soviets, an attack most treacherously conceived, there has been an increasing clamour in sections of the British press for some active move by the British Government against Nazi occupied territories. Britons may be confident that the pros and cons of such a move have been, and are being, carefully weighed in Downing Street, and that the British Government will not allow itself to be stampeded into any rash action by the more sensational newspapers, or even, for that matter, by M. Litvinoff. There do exist, however, a number of indications that the Cabinet have some new move against the Nazis in prospect, What it may be, no one can guess with any degree of accuracy. There are a number of probabilities, some of which have been taken into consideration by the German High Command. Before the invasion of Soviet Russia, workmen from the occupied countries were employed in erecting hurried defences along the Channel and North Sea coasts of the Continent—a clear indication that the High Command expected or feared that some diversion like an invasion might territory, and even Germany itself; when the time comes. Has the time now come? That is the question.
To attempt to answer that question at this from the scene of operations and skeiehy what the British Government should or should not do. In the first place there would appear to be good grounds for M. Litvinoff's declaration that Hitler has again been thrown out of his reckoning, just as he was in his plans for the subjugation of Britain. The Soviet armies have wrecked the High Command's time table, and inflicted huge losses upon the Nazis. They have taken toll of men, armoured vehicles, and planes to an extent that Hitler could hardly have contemplated when he launched his Blitzkrieg against them, in the expectation of a quick break-through and Soviet surrender within eight weeks. With this in view, there is much to be said in support of M. Litvinoff's ple While his aim is to strike at one adversary at a time, ours should be to strike together simultaneously without respite and untiringly. Each blow struck now is ten times as effective and entails infinitely less sacrifice than if it is delivered when any one of his adversaries becomes weaker.
So far the British Government has confined itself to extending the scope and frequency of air raids over Germany and German occupied territory, inflicting great damage upon the Nazi war potential, and to making daylight sweeps over northern France, which have driven the Germans off their aerodromes near the coastline to a distance of more than sixty miles inland. In these days, the distance of sixty miles is not much. It cannot appreciably affect Nazi raids upon the British Isles. Is there therefore some other purpose behind them, such as clearing the air of enemy defenders in preparation for a landing, even though the landing may be no more than a large-scale raid? Or is it to tie up in western Europe large number of German troops who could be used with advantage in the Eastern front, by keeping the High Command guessing as to the British intentions? There are other factors which may also be taken into consideration when speculating in this fashiqp, One is the recent arrival of another large Contingent of Canadian troops in Britain. Surely Britain was well enough defended before the arrival of these men. Is this reinforcement intended to make it possible to use other troops who have been specially trained for some other purpose, such as an offensive? Why also did the British Government inform the Prime Minister of Iceland, immediately after the Nazi attack on the Soviets, that the eighty thousand troops garrisoning that island were urgently needed elsewhere? It would therefore occasion little surprise if some important diversion were attempted very shortly—though where it might be attempted is anybody's guess.
M. Litvinoff showed a shrewd appreciation of the issues which are at stake. He made no appeal for assistance in protecting the ideology of his country, But he went down to the fundamentals when he said this struggle was between society and the jungle. He asked: "Do we not know from the actual writings and declarations of Hitler himself and his merry men that they consider themselves above all conceptions of peaceful coexistence of nations, international obligations, morals, honour, humanity—in a word, all that distinguishes civilized society from the jungle?" That is really why this war is being fought: to restore the ideals of civilization. No should be to strike the ening at his pellet point to strike hard and deeply. The War Cabinet may decide that the time for such a blow is now, or it may decide that the time is not yet. But Britons in this part of the world can leave the difficult decision to Mr. Churchill and his collaborators with every confidence.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.