From the American we note that the Democratic papers, as the campaign year is approaching, are quite jubilant over the unusual fact that the Democratic party has within its ranks at least half-a-dozen men who are available for the nomination, and who are fitted to be trusted with the great responsibilities of the presidency. "The Now York "Times" gives the following brief account of some of these prominent men who may possibly be put forward as candidates for the presidency in 1904:—There is Alton B. Parker, during the last five years Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of New York. He is, we imagine, more talked about and, perhaps, more generally accepted through out the' country as the probable nominee than any other. Judge Parker is a strong man. Richard Olney, who was Secretary of State during Mr. Cleveland's second administration, is much talked about, especially in New England. Ho is a man qualified for the very highest places. With such a candidate the party would command the confidence of the people, ocrats believe that. rand ex-Senator David candidate. Mr. Hill has had the experience of a long public career and he is skilled in political Mr. Melville E. Ingalls has been upon as a promising possibility.
ces were better, ppose, before his defeat as a candidate for Mayor in Cincinnati, but be is a man of parts, sound of mind and principle. His name must be left upon the list notwithstanding his defeat in Cincinnati. There is a candidate in the South who may yet ho bronzht conspicuously to the public attention. We mean Judge Horace H. Lurton, United States Circuit Judge in the sixth circuit. Judge Lurton, like Judge Parker, is occupied entirely with tha duties of the bench. He is not a politician, but he possesses abilities and qualities that would win for him as a candidate the confidence and respect of voters who have not' of late been able to support. Democratic candidates. There a candidate in the West who has con rapidly to the fore during the last few months—David R. Francis, formerly Governor of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior in President. Cleveland's second cabinet, and much in the public eye of late as the exceedingly active and suecessful President of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis. Judson Harmon of Ohio is another of Mr. Cleveland's cabinet officers whose name is spoken of when the subject of next year's nomination is up. Mr. Harmon was Attorney General during the second Cleveland administration. Finally, there is Mr. Cleveland himself. Tt' is a remarkable fact that the name of Mr. Cleveland is heard now more frequently, perhaps. than other of those we have mentioned.
often said that Mr. Cleveland split party. The reply now everywhere heard is that he split the Republican party first, and would split it again if nominate ed. The opinion is expressed that he would be the strongest candidate the Democracy could name. This does not exhaust the fist.
Other names are heard. But these eight names, or most of them, are much heard in current. discussion. These Democrats may be called the tall timber of the presidential forest. They men known to the people, and when they are talked of it is with information and acquaintance. It has usually been the case that when the outlook for the Democratic party was sloomy and its chances of victory slight there have been few aspirants for the honours of the nomination. In this year 1903 possible candidates are numerous, and many of them not reluctant. The circumstance is significant.
The Missouri Boodle Scandal, which shows a long record of corruption and venality, is being denounced in vigorous terms by influential journals in various sations of the country. The revelations seem to indicate that every Bill of any consequence introduced before the forty-first_ and forty-second General Assemblies of Missouri was either promoted or hindered by the use of money. The St. Louis "Globe Democ Republican organ, in its endeavour to fix the responsibility for the scandal upon the Democratic majority speaks ay follows:
Part of the state ring not actively engaged in boodling has long hidden the truth about the rampant corruption for fear the machine woul lose control. But unfortunately for the boodlers Ciren Attorney Folk had come into possession of the facts. The ring whip was flonrish-Folk, the "Republic" especial pelting him with threats of ring. v glance, and reminding him that he was in an embarrassing po. party prospects. Folk, undisturbed, proceeded with his official duties as usual. The state machine played its last card. and lost. With the spear of necessity at its back, and detection unavoidable through the two grand juries, it has been shoved into a show of prosecuting. itself. If it was opposed to government by trust operating through state officials jatures, why was it unanimous for the election of Stone as the successor of Senator Vest, regardless of the great mass of printed testimony touching' the baking po school-book trust and fake health association? The state machine did nothing until it was clubbed into action by circumstances beyond its control, and it will resort a; i usual unlimited falsehood the mom can find an opening.
The St. Louis "Republic" admits Woes for the boodlers tread upon each other's heels, so fast do the indictments follow, and that the legislative boodle investigations have long ago passed the problematical point and hare' devel a powerful working basis of fact is clear to everybody.
Secretary Root's recent decision that General Miles's Philippine Report is not to be made public, at least at present. has called forth violent protests and position on the part of many leading pers. The only part of the Report which was allowed to seo the light was that giving hearsay evidence of cruelties perpetrated by" the American troops in the Islands. The New York "Evening Post" says:—
Secretary Root regards the public as if it wero'a small and helpless child, to be fed only on selected literature—sol ed by him, of course. If privately asked, we have no doubt that the Secretary would say that General Miles's Report misrepresented facts, and therefore ought to be suppressed. If'that is so, the public may be relied upon to discriminate, and there will quickly be proof enough of th General's errors. But that is evidently not to be Secretary Root's way. Appar: ently, if he lets the Report out at all, he is going to lot it out in piecemeal and attach to each piece the opinions of officers or of governors who oppose General Miles's "views. This has actually been done in regard to the General's recom: mendations concerning the proper food supply for troops in the Archipelago, andi concerning the wisdom of employing troops to build roads.
The Cleveland "Plain Dealer" rotors to the subject as follows The Report is known to be a severe eri-ticism of army conditions in the Archipel-This would explain the seduttous care with which it has been kept from the public. Now that document should see the light of day no matter what. persons or policies have to suffer. The American people have a vital interest in the qu tion. The Philippines are costing a mint of money and many valuable lives every month. General Miles is a competent judge of the conditions prevailing there, and the country has a right to his Report.
makes no difference ith other General Miles is right or serang in his statement. and conclusions. "Whether wise or otherwise is not now to the point. No one claims that the General is infallible. Most people realise that much of his advice and criticism during and after the war with Spain was impracticable or grountless. The ewential fact is that the public have a right to his Report.
The following interesting extract, dealing with the question of the alleged trond of emigration from the United States to Canada, is taken from the Chicago "Inter.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.