"The reactions, as so far reflected, of the Axis Powers in Europe to the testimony given by Mr, Wendell Willkie, the defeated Republican candidate in the recent American elections, are illuminating. In the comment from Berlin and Rome on Mr. Willkie's testimony there is a perceptible tendency to regard Mr. Willkie not as a witness before the, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, but as a somewhat disappointed advocate of the British cause, whose first-hand inspection of conditions in the United Kingdom had led him to doubt the justice of the case he had becut supposed to argue. This is a very convenient point of view for the Axis to adopt, but it is very far from the truth. That it is a complete misinterpretation of what Mr. Willkie said is a minor matter, since it is apparently an axiom. of Nazi propaganda that "anything and everything can be misinterpreted to suit any and every occasion. Mr. Willkie is first and foremost an American. Whatever may be his sympathies with the Allied cause, his judgment of the chances faust be influenced by the effect which defeat or victory for the Allies would have on the United States. He was not asked to appear before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to give his views on what might or might not happen to Britain, as Britain—a foreign country, But he was asked to appear to state what he, as a representative American and an experienced business executive, thought might happen to the United States in the event of a British defeat, or of a stalemate in Europe which might leave both of the principal opponents in this war im:; such a condition that the forces of anarchy would be given an opportunity. And to these points he confined his evidence.
With these facts in mind, it is possible to put the Axis comment on Mr. Willkie's testi-many in its proper perspective. "The "Popolo di Roma" declared: "Mr. Willkie was not foo enthusiastic before the Senate's Foreign Relations Committee. Mr. Roosevelt's emissary didn't use high-sounding words and they revealed pondered thought regarding the grave situation which was revealed to him by the ruins of the cities of Coventry and Birmingham. "All in all, Mr. Willkie's stay in London was not too advantageous to England." From this comment it may be deduced that the "Popolo di Roma" considers that Mr, Willkie gave his evidence in a sober and thoughtful manner; that Mr. Willkie was President Roosevelt's emissary; that he saw in the ruins of British cities a "grave Situation;" and that his visit was not too alivantageous to England. These points may Be taken in the order given. No one expected à man of the position and authority of
to Lo no one but a partner in the Axis, a.sober and thoughtful manner. That is Willkie to give his evidence in anything
the leaders of which are notorious for the frenzy they display in any public utterance. Ili any but an Axis legislature, evidence which was enthusiastic and obviously not the considered opinion of the witness would be suspect. Mr. Willkie is, however, suspect in the Axts eyes because of considered nature his opinions. It is apparently a fault in Mr, Willkie that he reported the facts as he saw them, and not as his pre-declared sympathies might have wished them to be.
In the next place Mr. Willkie did not visit Britain as an "emissary of President Roosevelt" He was in a purely private capacity, see for himself what conditions were. And he was given every facility by the British Government. Would he have been allowed to inspect freely the ruins of Hamburg and Hanover, had he visited the Reich? Would he have been shown the secrets of Italy's defences, had he visited that country? No One else lias been allowed to view these things, so why should Mr. Willkie? It was doubtless with the knowledge that a fact-finding tour of the Axis countries would be soi much waste of time, that Mr. Willkie did not visit either Germany or Italy. The answer to the other point made by the "Popolo di Roma" may be found in the German comment on Mr. Willkie's testimony—that Mr. Willkie "seemed not quite so certain in his own mind... whether assistance to Britain. would be successful," and that there was ^a noticeable tendency to avoid answering questions" Both comments are probably accurate. Mr. Willkie's views on the position of Britain must have necessarily been. considerably altered by his personal "inspection of the conditions in the British Isles Anyone who had previously been dependent upon graphic newspaper reports of what had occurred would feel the same way, on seeing for himself the damage which had been inflicted. Nevertheless, Mr. Willkie, in statements before he left England, was full of praise for the spirit of the British people, and. before the Senate declared that indüstrial production had been little affected by the Nazi raids. His reluctance to answer questions—which has been perceived by no ohe except the Axis reporters—might equi ally be attributed to the fact that, as an honourable man, he could not reveal secrets which were revealed to him. He could not and did not violate the confidence of the British Government. No one but a Nazi would expect that he should. Whatever may be the attempts at distortion by the Nazis and the Fascists, the British people will thank Mr. Willkie for the impartial manner in which he gave his opinions of their case, and for the way in which, even at the risk of opposing the Secretary of the United States Navy, he advocated immediate and the fullest aid to the most active champion of democracy.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.