Every one whose interests are connected with China, has reason to feel gratefal to the merchants who have so ably represented the cause of their order in the interview with Lord Clarendon, We have been accustomed to believe that nothing could rouse the apathy of those connected with the China trade; and we have groaned over our Inck of energy and spirit, with the usual zest for self-depreciation which characterizes Britons. At last, however, it seem: that the proper amount of pressure has been applied, and the dormant powers of an influential and intelligent body of men are fairly awakened. The appearance made at the Foreign Office by the phalanx of Members of Parliament and merchants, evidently took Lord Clarendon by surprise; and the weighty arguments brought forward by Mr. Magniac, Mr. Gilmav, and the other speakers, will, we trust, produce a salutary effect. It would be absurd to say that we are satisfied with the reply of the Foreign Secretary, which the Standard justly characterizes as "long and rambling." It commences with a few polite phrases, but the bearers could not have been long in doubt that the views of the noble lord were diametrically opposed to theirs. Stress is laid upon the fact that the concessions obtained by Lord Elgin were obtained at the cannon's month; and this circumstances, it is hinted not obscurely, almost renders it a duty to refrain from taking advantage of them. We are reminded once more that, "having a treaty with China, we place ber where she was not placed before; namely, in the rank of a civilized nation. Therefore we must treat China, gua China, as our equal. We must endeavour no longer to acquire things by force. We must proceed, as we did with France ten years ago, and as we have with Austria lately, by mutual concession." There would be great force in this argument from analogy, if the things compared did not, unfortunately, differ from each other in many import ant respects. Saying thata nation is civilized will not make it so, any more than introducing a boor into good society will at once make act like a gentleman. and justice in avoiding the ghastly calamity of war, everywhere audalways, and it is a healthy sign of the times that the great European Powers are ceasing to refer every question to the arbitrament of force; but, because we see that our trae policy in the West is peace, founded on the preservation of treaty gulations, there is no sense in allowing treaty stipulations to be evaded in the East, when all pastexperienceassures us that such evasion will result in war. There is little novelty in the arguments of the month-piece of the Government; and such reasons as are urged, seem rather stereotyped repetitions of certain so-called liberal formule, than spt and cogent replies to the points brought forward by chants. It is not difficult, either, to observe contrast between the spontaneous utterances of the Foreign Secretary, delivered viv@ voce, when he had' still ringing in his ours the telling speeches of the various members of the deputation, and the pared with care, and expressing, pro-written answer to the memorial, pre-
ably, the feelings and wishes of the Government. In spoken reply, Lord Clarendon s: of course, I need not say that the Government has no interest' different from that of the trading community, As a Govern. ment, we have no interests to serve in China. All that we desire is to promote, to the best of our power, the British interests in China; and if arrangements have been made which the mercantile community consider adverse to their interests, it is their right and duty to represent it to the Government, and Moed scarcely say it will be taken into due consideration." The prepared answer pat into the Minister's hnuds, however, is by no means redolent of this spirit of fairness. The Government is, throughout it, a Chinese advocate. There is a manifest satisfaction shown, in finding out points in the memorial that admit of cavil; and, in one instance least, the anxiety to do this, has led the Foreign Office into a stron, blander. The point in question is much vexed one of transit dues, and Lord Clarendon is striving to show that we have no moral or treaty right
it seems good, to the Maudarins, to interfere with the Squeeres which levy on sih in the iuterior—"There is nothing, he says, to prevent the Chinese from charging whatever general manicipal taxes are leviable on Chinese goods at the port or in theinterior—as regards imports, equally on foreign goods when once they enter into general circulation and consumption, and, as regards exports, upon Chinese producebelore it has been purchased for exportation." The notion of Municipal taxes among the Chinese is, we must say, rather a novel one. What is Municipal taxation? Ifit is a tax levied by the town authorities, for the repairs of roads, sewers, lighting, police—then nonesuch exists in the country; and Lord Clarendon'sargament is weakened, in proportion as he relies on the "experience" of a Minister who can make such a grave mis-statement, The tax on silk is a simple squeeze by the provincial authorities, and no one ought to know this better than. Sir Butherford himself.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.