Neary ten years ago, on the 4th day of July, 1868, William H. Seward on behalf of the United States, and Anson Burlingame Chih Kang and Sun Chia-ka on behalf of China, signed supplementary treaty between the two countries which contained, amidst other verbiage, the following clause committing the Emperor of China to approval of the principle of unity of money throughout the world "The United States and the Emperor of China, recognising in the present. progress of nations a favorable tendency towards unity of civilisation, and regarding a unity of money and a unity of weights and of measures as favorable to that great object, do hereby agree that they will use influence and efforts to obtain the estal ment, by the general agreement of nations, of representative coins having a common value, and also a common standard of weights and measures for all countries."
We ventured at the time to remark that the engagement had a ridiculous side as well as a sublime one, but were taken to task for a heartless disbelief in the verity of Chinese progress. It was of course suggested to Mr. Bur-lin game by the movement which was then taking place in Europe, having the assimilation of coins and measures for its object—a useful object without question, how difficult soever of attain. ment, But to find China, of all countries in the world,—China which bad actually no currency worthy the mame—agrecing to use its influence towards the assimilation of the currency of the world, did seem to us 8 little amusing. Wo readily admitted that no country more urgently needed a reform i ity currency; but added an expression of our apprehension that neither did any country woom leas ready to adopt or less fitted to suggest one.
That there is a wide step from abstract approval of high-toned maxims to practical performance, we may seo daily in the pages of the Peking Qazette; and it would be difficalt to find a better exemplification of this difference between theory and practice than in the contrast between the Article above quoted and the recent communication from the Tsungli-yamen to the Foreign Ministers, in reply to a suggestion that. it would be a convenience to her own people and to others if China would set about introducing some more practicable currency than copper cash and sycee. In 1878, then, "The Yamen has to observe that a difference exists between the monetary system by law established in China and'in other countries, and that the nature of the case is such as to preclude the idea of uniformit} a further consideration of the ques based upon the communications received from the Ministers Superintendent of Trade, it now remains to be stated that the establishment of a Mint on the fore system for the introduction of a coi 1@ Chinese Government—which would b tantamount to inducing the host to adapt himself to the convenience of his guest,— would be productive, thee is serious reason to believe, of abuses of so: and the obstacles and, diteatio t that we rou present themselves are of such magnitu: that the introduction of such coinage cannot be undertaken. This the Yamen beg to state in reply to the enquiry addressed to them by Your Exeellenyy."
In the one document, China recognises the desirability of uniformity, and pledges herself to promote it; in the other she declares that a difference existe, and that the nature of the case is such as to preclude the contrary idea. In the one case she speaks hopefully and approvingly of the prospect of a coinage; in the other she declares the idea extravagant in principle and prolific of possible abuses Bat really we are hardly surprised at Statesmen so naturally inert as those of China, and with such a history before them of forgery and debasement as the record of their currency presents, shirking the difficul. ties which the proposal to establish a Mint undoubtedly involves. If they had the energy of their neighbours the Japanese, or wore capable of profiting by their example, they would grapple with these difficulties. But they have not that energy, and they are endued with a spirit of resistance rather than of willingness to learn and emulate. When we remember that one of the Ministers Superintendent of Trade who reports against the proposed Mint is the mau who tore up the Woosung railway, we cease to wonder at the opinion expressed. Bat we are surprised to find Li Hung-chang, the Minister for the Northern ports, in such reactionary company. As a matter of fact, we believe Li himself would gladly seo a decent coinage introduced in place of the debased tokens and unwieldy Iumps of silver which now serve as media ut exchavgo just us ho would gladly seo railways contructed and mines opened if the dead weight of consereatizm would permit. Neither are there wanting other patriotic Chinese who feel disgust at the obstructive policy which actually prevails, and who sympathise with the eulogy of railways and other Western appliances to be found in letters from the members of the Chinese Legation in England, But just as Ting Jib-chang was worried into resignation by the obstruction he encounters in Fohkien, so Li is hampered at every turn in projects for improving the condition of the country, which he is too intelligent not to appreciate.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.