Tr would be hard to feel much more enthusiasm for General Harrison's inaugural address than for the General himself. Chosen as the Republican candidate because he was agood commonplace man, who would secure Indiana for the Republican party and be properly subservient to the real leader of that party, Mr. Blaine, only a common-lace inaugural was to be expected from him, and that expectation has not been disappointed.
the President begins by drawing attention to the fact that in taking the cath before the people—which the Constitution does not oblige him to do—he makes it a mutual covenant, and remarks that there was a peculiar solemnity about the occasion, as just a hundred years had passed since Washington's first inauguration, This naturally leads him to a notice of the vast strides that the country has made in the century; and he points out that "the Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any of the original States except Virginia, and greater than the aggregate of tive of the smaller States in 1790." He notices, too, that while in 1790 the centre of population was east of Baltimore, it had moved in 1880 to near Cincinnati, and will probably be shown by the next census to be still farther west. Then the new President comes to the issue which the Republicans assert gave them the recent election, Protection. He shews truly enough, how in the colonial times the mother country did her best to prevent the colonies establishing—manufactures or increasing their shipping, in order "to secure the American market for their shops and the carrying trade for their ships," and how when the States had seewred their independence, " petitions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should encourage the production of needed things at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer found its field of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young republic for the defence of its independence by making its people self-dependent." How this can be an argwneut for maintaining the policy of protection is hardly obvious. General Harrison goes on to assert that the present policy is "not a departure, but a return but he does not shew why this return is advisable when the circumstances are so different. There wight have been patriotism in fostering the nascent industries of the country while it was struggling to establish itself firmly; but General Harrison contradicts his own statements of the pos tion of the country when he infers that any such protection is necessary now.
His determination that he will have
tion of the country will be universally apno special executive poly for any see-plauded. Nor is it less desirable that more careful enquiry should be made into the character and good disposition of persons applying forcitizenship. _It is, of course, quite impracticable; and it would have been more straightforward to own that the movement for the restriction of immigration is really another form of protection for American labour. The Monroe doctrine is reasserted in a form to which no one can object. The United States do not interfere with Europe, the President says in effect: "we have acleer right to expect, therefore, that no European government will seek to estaplish colonial dependencies upon the territory of these independent American States." But he is careful to point out that the Mourve doctrine does not prevent the country from taking a peaceful interest in countries beyond sea; and the Samoan question is alluded to in the remark that " the necessities of our navy require convenient coaling stations, and dock and harbour privileges." These privileges, however, he does not look to having to acquire or retain by force. "Phe offices of intelligent diplomacy or friendly arbitration in proper cases should be adequate to the peaceful adjustment of all international ditticulties."
Onthe leading internal question—after the tarif!—of American politics, General Harrison speakes with not quite such certainty as could be wished. As the President is obliged, in making appoint ments, to rely upon the representations of others, he has the right to insist that those of! shall exercise consideration and fidelity in waking recommendations." Honourable party service"—such as Mr. Wanamaker's—ill certainly not be esteemed by me a disqualification for public office, but it will in no case be allowed to serve as a shield of official negligence, incompetency or delinquency." It was ebvioualy 600 such tu hope that General Harrison would allow that in the appointment to public office, the fitness of the candidate should alone be considered without any reference to his party service. He does however " hope to do something more to advance reform of the civil service"; but in saying "an ideal, or even my own ideal I shall probably not attain," he has forgotten the maxim that those attain most who aim highest. He is only half-hearted who avows at the outset that even his own ideal is unattainable. Our San Francisco correspondent deals ily with President Harrison's remarks on the surplus that we need not linger over them, nor need we say anyth as to his platitudes about the admission of the four new western paragraph on the reform of the election laws seems to foreshadow the interference of the national congress in the control of elections. This interference, General Harrison says, is provided for in the constitution. "Freedom of the ballot is a condition of our_national life, and no power vested in Congress or in the executive to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion." If election frauds were confined to the Southern States, we might fear that this was an instance of that sectional policy which the President had earlier deprecated. he patriotic appeal with which the message concludes is, as might be expected, entirely tin= objectionable. It might be suggested that it is easy for the successful candi= date to impress on the other party that "we should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and having submitted them to the arbitrament of the bal-Jot, should accept adverse judement with the same respect we would demand of our opponents if the decision had been in our favour," Perhaps the speaker remembered as he wrote this that Mr. Cleveland had the actual majority of the popular voices.' The whole message is a good solid, somewhat partisan, document, and the peroration almost rises to eloquence. " Each State will bring its generous contribution to the aggregate of the nation's increase, and when the harvests from fields, the cattle from hills and ores of earth shall be weighed, counted and valued, we will tum from them all to crown with the highest honour the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice and patriotism among its people."
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.