25th May. "Tue recent word of the rejection of the Arbitration reaty by the American Senate will come to no one as a surprise, 'I'he unsympathetic treatment that it has received in that body from the beginning, was a sufficient indication that, should it prove possible, they would nullify it altogether. Emascu-Inted by amendments, it was left hanging twixt heaven and earth by the last Senate, a pitiable spectacle. In view of the indignation roused throughout the States by this cavalier reception of its fraternal overtures, and especially because of Mr. McKinley's hearty es-pausal of its cause, hope was entertained by some that the new Senate—though only slightly modified—might te more sensible to the national dignity and reputation than its predecessor. From the outset it was but too evident that this hope was unfounded, horoughgoing foes of the measure boasted in advance that they bad in hand thirty adverse votes out of a total of ninety. It would seem now that the long discussions in secret session—which so roused the angry ridicule of the Press—and the tinkering by various anendments, was but the preliminary playing with the victim before giving it the coup de grace. Hopeless as the outlook was, the result nevertheless is profoundly to be regretted. 'I'he shame and indignation of the most influential section of the Awerican Press is an index to the reality of the national sense of humiliation, Two facts appear to be clearly involved in the present situation, First—to the credit of the nation be it said—that it is not an expression of their will or sentiment. It is an action in defiance of, not in accord with, representative government, And further, that there are no satisfactory constitutional means open to the voters of the States to assure the enforcement of their opinions in this avd kindred matters, One needs but to glance at any American journal of repute to recognise the truth of the former statement, It may be doubted whether, out of the more than twenty thousand newspapers pub-! lished in the States, there were a half-dozen leading journals east of the Mississippi that, at least in the earlier stages of discussion, were in sympathy with the Senate's attitude. 'I'o secure an indication of the real sentiments of the nation in the matter, an enquiry for] their opinion was sent out three months ago by the Arbitration Committee to influential men of all vocations, parties, denominations and sections. The list of those to whom this circular was sent was made up without reference to or knowledge of their views on the subject. Yet of 1,002 replies received, from every State in the Union, only twelve express sed themselves as openly opposed to the treaty, twenty-two thought that its provisions might need amendment, and
unamended. 'I'hat the opinion of associations of working-men, expressed through their representatives, is also hesttily in favour of the measure, is well-known. Yet in face of these facts, the decision of the national Upper House is what it is. he explanations offered for this action are various, and for the most part not pleasant to reflect upon. Hostility to Mr. Cleveland, and the desire to thwart any measure likely to add to his reputation has doubtless had its place, though not so large a one as some have supposed. The silent influence of an hereditary Irish enmity is to be found among the contributing factors. Jingoism pure and simple, with its essential ingredient of antagonism to England, has also unfortunately been to the fore, as with two of the leading senators of New England, to the discredit of that most respectable and conservative locality. But chiefest of all, " free silver" stands guilty of this defiance of public sentiment. The thinly populated mountain States, Idaho, Nevada and Colorado, and others of that fellowship, are those that are chiefly responsible forthe over-riding of the more intelligent judgment of their countrymen. With some, as with Mr. Peller of Colorado, the opposition may be regarded as intelligent and patriotic, even if mistaken.
With others it is; but ignorance and empty prejudice. One of the watch-words of free-silverism is antagonism to Great Britain, Arbitration, or the progress of the international humanities, promises nothing, so far as they can perceive, to the sacred cause of "16 tol". A war with England on the other land seems, to many of them, to be the high-road to what they call an independent and " American" financial policy. In the face of this prejudice considerations of Christianity or of civilisation have little weight. Eighteeo months ago some of these meu were consumed with righteous indignation because England would not submit to the most Christian principle of arbitration. To-day, when arbitration is offered as a policy for themselves as well, they fall over one another in their haste to escape from its odious vicinity.
After all this, it yet remains to be said that the course of England in its other foreign relations during the last few weeks has unfavourably affected the fortunes of the treaty. Her share in the bombardment of the Cretan insurgents, and Mr, Chamberlain's rather turbulent attitude in the South African complications, have both damped the enthusiasm of friends of the measure and intensified the opposition of its foes. This may not be wholly reasonable, but itis regrettably true. Upon the whole situation like the above is not calculated to re-assure friends of the States abroad, yet the second consideration is perhaps the more serious, viz, that short of amending the Constitution, there is no satisfactory means of securing the enforcement of the popular will in such a matter, lo those unfamiliar with the method of appointing the Senate, it might seem a simple thing to secure a fresh election of those pledged to support a policy favouring arbitration, The task is, however, practically an impossible one. 'I'o change the entire hostile personnel of the present Senate would, ty begin with, require a period of six years, in which time the whole complexion' of the issue may have changed. But ignoring the element of time, it still remains true that, with Senators chosen as they now are by the State legislatures happening to be in session at the time, it is in practice impossible to be sure of the election of men who will uphold the views of the electorate of their State. Legislatures are notoriously irresponsible in such matters, save to the political "machine," and it is iv no wise certain that any system of pledges could be devised that would secure the final choice of a man fairly acceptable to the people. No more conspicuous proof of this could be found than the fact that the chief State of the Union is now represented by two men who would doubtless be repudiated by overwhelming majorities, were the choice left to the people, One is a ward politician of the lower type, the other is a political " boss," who stands for what is most dangerous and dishononrable in American politics. Yet it is to men like these that the representing of six millions of the most intelligent citizens in the States is entrusted, and this in matters of such delicacy as the negotiating of treaties and the supervision of international relations. In the State next smaller, Pennsylvania, matters are little better, machine" of odious memory being the directing force in the appointment of the State senators. Under these circumstances the outlook for a reversal of policy is not encouraging, 'The American people are evidently desirous of escaping the responsibility of this most regrettable action, by declaring that it does not represent' the sentiment of the nation. Ifsuch a plea is to be accepted, it is the obvious logic of the situation that they should place the direction of affairs of international importance in the hands of those who are both responsive and responsible to the popular will. Otherwise they bid fair to be speedily involved in complications from which no amount of repentance at leisure will set them free.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.