One of the most interesting things to us in the papers brought by the Melbourne story told by the London correspondent of the Manchester Guardian, who is generally well informed. It is one explanation of the way in which the Chinese diplomacy has triumphed, as it generally does, over the Western Powers. The Oreriand Mail says According to the Manchester Guardian's correspondent, a curious rumour is current in well-informed' circles in regard to Lord Salisbury's diplomacy in the question of antiforeign riots and outrages in China. It will be remembered that at one stage of the episode the Chinese protested against, the pressure that was being put on thei and said it would lo more harm than goo, that they could not punish the guilty as they desired lest serious Popular disturbances should take place, and that they could not send troops into Hunan, the centre of the disturbances, to restore order, for that would involve civil war All this appears in the Blue Book; but am told that a far more serious communication was made by the Chinese Govern ment to the Powers. They said that a rebellion or prolonged disturbance following on extensive repressive measures would danger the stability of the present dynasty, which is an alien one in China, and against which there had always been much hostility. There were great and ambitious men of the Chinese race ready to take ita place, for in China, as the Powers were reminded, it was not necessary for a man to be born in the purple in order to be Emperor. Whether the Western Powers to whom this communication was made believed it or not, it appears that they resolved to remove this excuse from the mouths of the Chinese statesmen. They undertook, led by England as the rower best able to carry out any given policy on the spot, to aid the Chinese Government in j utting down any rebellion caused by their efforts to prevent and punish outrages on foreigners, and to permit of no revolution in China on this account. In other words, in reply to the threat or apprehension of the overthrow of the dynasty, the Powers offered to guarantee the dynasty through the present troubles. It is to this guarantee, it is said, that we owe the renewed activity of the Chinese authorities, the further punishments, the degradation of certain high officials, and the prompt settlement of compensation. If this story is true, says the correspondent with some reason, it is one of the strangest in modern diplomacy.
Tt has been noticed before how quickly the Chinese Minister to Western Europe took up the suggestion that the riots in the Yangtze Valley were not really directed against foreigners, but against the present dynasty. The government at Peking has nude admirable use of the suggestion too. Lord Salisbury has no doubt done well to promise the Chinese government that he will protect it if it does its duty; but what are the Western Powers to do if the central government relaxes its vigilance Against whom are they to use force in that case 'The country Press continues to take an interest in China matters, and it has sometimes views of its own,' as the following extract from the Bristol Mercury shows How far is a Government responsible for the protection of foreigners who have made their way into the country under protest, as it were? If foreigners were invited to estab:
themselves in China, and assured of the come and favour of the authorities, the matter would be a comparatively simple' pro: blem, though even then it is by no means clear' whether missionaries and other teachers whose business it is to run counter to the national sentiment of the country in which they dwell ought to be allowed the same privileges as merchants and traders who are sufficiently disinterested in religions matters to supply either cast-iron gods from Birmingham or Bibles from London. It would be possible to raise the objection that to compel a Government to take the part of men to whom the great majority of the populace is hostile, to force the authorities to make themselves unpopular, and even odious, to the extent, one ought to have any feeling of hostility to perhaps, of provoking an insurrection, No
missions; they have done and are doing much to promote the spread of civilisation, But the work of missionaries, like that of railway servants in England, is one of peculiar danger, and Governments, like insurance companies, should be able to decline bad lives. Unfor: tunately, in China, the barbarians are uninvited guests, not' "worthy-hidden." The Chinese Government has nevertheless decided to pay compensation for the injuries inflicted during the recent riots, and in so doing, goes, we think, beyond the strict limits of its d A good deal of room is given in the papers to the funeral of Mr. Parnell and the probable consequences of his death. The Parnellite section had issued a furious manifesto, in which those who remained faithful to Mr, Parnell to the last declare that with the men immediately responsible for the disruption of the National party, who, in obedience to foreign dictation, have loaded with calumny and hounded to death the foremost man of our race, we can hav no fellowship, and in their guidance Ireland Jean have no safety." The manifesto conclude:
"Between them and the men who stood true to the cause of national independence Ireland must choose, on the threshold of the tomb of the leader' whom we mourn, and who defined our duty in these imperishable words:—'If I were dead and gone to-morrow, the men who are fighting against English influence in Irish public life would fight on still; they would still be independent Nation. alists, they would still believe in the future of Ireland a nation, and they would still protest that it was not by taking orders from an English Minister that Ireland's future could bbe saved, protected, or secured."
Fellow-countrymen, let it be the glory of our race, at home and abroad, to act up to the spirit of this message."
Most of the Irish papers counsel unity, and the election of an anti-Parnellite for Cork, with the defeat of Mr. John Redmond, ought to show the Parnellite section that in this the papers represent the people. The Daily News writing after Parnell's funeral says All over Ireland yesterday there was lut one feeling of sorrow; but it. was sorrow for the circumstances in the midst of which the Jost leader had fallen. Mr, Parnell's worst enemy cannot help being impressed by his tragic end. His friends, who had nothing but regret for the course he has taken for the last twelve months. are naturally moved to the profoundest sympathy and pity Not one sound of reproach has been heart from them; they have only desired that in p-essence of death all controversy should be still The attempt of Sir Edward Clarke and people of ike mind to make political capital out of a great personal and political catastrophe has succeeded so far that bitter feelings have been aroused and violent words have been uttered, and that old colleagues who wished to do him honor have been kept from public appearance at his funeral. But there was perfect order yesterday, ani our Special Correspondent says thut at the cemetery no party spirit was shown. The disposition of some violent friends has been to bury the hopes of Ireland with Mr. Parnell in his Glasnevin grave; and some of the Tory journals in this country are already expressing the belief that his removal destroys the last chance of Home Rule. It would do this if it profoundly divi ded the Trish people, as their enemies desire. But the Irish people will not be divided. Mr, Parnell's adherents were but " remnant, and they were losing ground every day. They are a remnant still, and they will be nothing without their leader.
Mr. Gladstone is still being furiously attacked for the statement he is supposed to have made at Newcastle, that the advent, of a Liberal government to power would mean the evacuation of Egypt by England, Great efforts have been made to explain what Mr. Gladstone really said at Newcastle, and the Duily News softens it as follows As a great deal of nonsense is being about the passage in Mr, Gladstone's spece be as well to remind the public of what fr.
Newcastle which referred to Kgypt, it may Gladstone actually said. He did not advise the immediate withdrawal of British troops from the Delta. He did not go so far in that direction as Lord Hartington, who years ago suggested that they might be withdrawn in six months. Nor did Mr. Gladstone give any pledge of what he would do when he came into office. What he said was that he hoped Lord. Salisbury would be able to remove the burdensome and embarrassing consequences which our continued occupation entails upon us. Tt was an offer of contingent support to the Prime Minister that \sr. Gladtone made, Lord Salisbury of course knows better than any. private individual can know what prospect there is of coming to an understanding with France and the other Powers. We have given pledges which we must honourably keep, unless Europe chooses to release us from them. Mr. Gladstone is not likely to have spoken without book when he glanced at the possibility of Lord Salisbury entering into negotiations, Lord Salisbury must be anxious to find some practical soltition for the very grave problem, of which he understands the full significance, but which Mr. Gladstone's critics fail altogether to comprehend.
'The Times, which is still. most strong) anti-Gladstonian, declared that " the Stod Exchanges of Europe accepted Mr, Gladstone's declaration as ete er evil for tthe' Newgate: speech, and. again when it. Egyptian stocks fell on the report
Mr. Parnell's death was' supposed to have smoothed the way for Gladstonian victory." 'A Sheffield paper hus taken the trouble to examine the foundation for the statement about the Stock Exchanges, and refutes it as under Apart from the employment of an exaggeration of language that would be appropriate to an absolute panic, it requires a quite enviable innocence to find political reasons for astute Stock Exchange manceuvres. As a matter of fact, Egyptians" bore without a tremor Mr. Gladstone's dreadful expression of hope that Lor Salisbury would see his way to end cur occupation of Egypt. Mr. Gladstone spoke on October 2nd, and throughout the 3rd and the 5th "Egyptians" moved not. On the 6th, when, be it remembered. Mr. Parnell's death had not yet taken plate, they closed at {and on the following days the downward a crown or five shillings below the open. movement continued, But the most sensitive of all the stocks, the 3 per cent. scrip, never Arooped more than 17s. 6d., while the New
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.