Ar the risk of being accused of harking back to a subject already exhausted, we must_give the following appreciation from the Lancet of Mr. Gladstone's speech on the 13th of Februsry, regarded physiolotically We must leave to policitians the a ment of Mr. Gladstone's speech regarded as a piece of statesmanship, but considered from 2 medical or physiological point of view there can be no difference of opinion. The perform ance must be regarded and must remain not only as historical, but probably as unique in the history of eloquence and of States. Those who were privileged to be amongst the audience will never forget the scene or. the speaker. In the crowded chamber, filled with all that was. distinguish ed and influential in British society, his voice was heard for the first hour of the speech with perfect ease; and even when its physical force began to alate it was atill felt as an influence altogether exquisite. and refined, No difference of opinion could avail to save the listener from the spell of a voice, always seconded by the choicest amenity of express sion, which it may safely be said has no rival in contemporaneous Parliaments. The wonder of all this is doubled by the fact that the speaker is in his eighty-fourth year. Though there was a perceptible falling-off in the force i; volume of voice as the second hour was reached, the animation of the orator was all intact. His eye, and especially his right hand brought into emphatic contact with the table from time to time, testified to the vehemence of his thought and foehn, and when occasion required it, as for the delivery of a passage of special importance or the final peroration, a reserve of voice was again and again drawn upon, and the anth siasm of the mighty audience swelled the effect of the eloquence by which it was itself veyed. The most marvellous part of all og to see the orator after he had resumed his seat looking as serene as if nothing unusual had been done, and to learn that he went home to due quiet with his family and to sleep with as little disturbance as if he had only been lin the most ordinary occupation, The record of eloquence is beaten by our octogenarian Premier, apart from any cousiderat of poli 5, with which we
him, not concerned, we are all very proud of The majority of the papers that reach us are so full of the most damagir g criticia of the Home Rule Bill, which the London Press generally hias decided to be utterly impracticable, that it is a relief to come across one paper that has a good word for it, The Duily Nears says The text of the Home Rale Bill shows that the Pri \ister's exposition was marveliously and comprehensive. But he wisely abstained from entering into minute detail, and many of the hostile criticisms delivered in debate are answered by the Bill Tt "forms," as the Committee of the Parliamentary Party truly say, "a broad,' solid, and enduring plan of national government for Ireland." Perhaps the Tories and Dis i liberals will now feel that they have done their cause more harm good by the wild and extravagant invective which they uttered in advance. For granting the principle of Home Rule to which Lord Salisbury and Mr. Chamberlain are beth committed, the Rill must strike every fair-minded man not only as exceedingly well drawn, but also as moderate and reasonable in substance. Mr. Chamberlain is never tired of quoting the HomeSecretary's emphatic declaration that the supremacy of Parliament must for all purposes be preserved. The preamble of the Bill, which every lawyer except Sir Edward Clarke knows to binding and conclusive, runs as follows: Whereas it is expedient that without impairing or restricting the supreme authority of Parliament an Irish Legislature should be created for such po in Ireland as in this Act mentioned." Perhaps Mr. Chamberlain will point out the inconsistency which always shocks hi inch in the case of other people. The strictions on the powers of the I 7 nature cover almost ull the instances of probable or possible abuse which were mentioned in the House of Commons. The Legislature ay not establish or endow any religious body nor prohibit the free exercise of religion, nor interfere with any denominational stitution, nor alter the con: ce clause in schools, nor deprive any one of life, or freedom, without due process of law, nor take prope't; without compensation. This last proviso is the modern amendment of the American Constitution, to which Mr. Bryce referred. No ise- existing Corporation which does not raise or expend public money can be shorn of any right without its own consent, unless both Houses of the Irish Legislature are agreed and Her Majesty's Government we the reposal. This clause protects Trinity College, about which Lord Randolph Churchill expressed so much anti Not the least. important part of the Bill is the position of the Lord-Lieutenant. He will act, or at least he may in two characters, The advice of Trish Ministers will guide him in ordinary affairs, But he will continue to represent the Queen, and as representing her he will follow: the instructions of the British Government in Downing Street. This principally tothe veto, which will be a and not a sham, It also institutes a powerful arid a permanent functionary, who will be in constant and effective _coimunication between the British Ministry on the one hand and the Irish Ministry on the other.
Mr. Labouchere, who was thought to be a very dangerous man to have in the government ranks, is not going to put obstacles in the government's way. He says in Truth: "1 have very little doubt that the Home Rale Bill will go up to the Lords, for, taking it as a whole, it is a Bill for which all Home Rulers ough and there is x -majority for Home Rale in the House of Commons." But he is not quite satisfied with the provision for the Second Chamber at Dublin, with the "in and out" position of Irish members at Weatminster, and with the financial scheme of the Bill, It is evident that if the Bill gets to Committee there will be n tremen-cons number of amendments moved to it. The opponents of the Bill, on the other hand, are not of one mind about it alto-gother; for while the Economist holds that its difference from the Bill of 1886 justifies the Liberal Unionists in their rejection of that measure, the Duily Telegraph saya:—"' For reason best known to' hin Mr. Gladstone has not only, taken former effort. ns.a model, which was perhaps natural enough, but has followed it with n closeness of imitation for which, ax greatly facilitating the work of comparison, have to thank him, but which the papers, but it will have been noticed that the government is to appoint. a small commission to enquire into the relations of the London County Council end the City Corporal to which the Times says that "the City.of London cannot expect to preserve through future ages an independence as complete as if its walls and moats still existed, with gates shut at mghtfall. The wonder, the wervel is that it has existed so long." The Graphic say Threatened men and threatened institutions live long; and, though the City Corporation have had a more decided warning than they have yet received, they have been threatened so often before that they will hardly feel themselves called upon to prepare for their immediate end. Mr. Fowler, in answer toa day, said that the Government had come to question in the House of Commons last Tues-
the conclusion that the administration of London must be cotisidered imperfect and anomalous until arrangements should be made for including the City in the general aystem of the Metropolis." To which end the Gotion of five members to examine the question vernment will appoint a small Royal Con.mi
and make practical suggestions as to how the amalgamation may be effected. The City then, is to' disappear. into the County of London,'and the Corporation is to be absorbed into the County Council. Well, it is not the first time that a Royal Commission has sat upon the City authorities, or that the said authorities have escaped scatheless from the ordeal. Now, however, in spite of the immense improvement that they have introduced into their administration, and the strong justification that it has afforded of their existence, the case is so altered that, though their doom may not be instant, we fear that it is at least within a measurable distance. The County Council grows apace, and is not likely to brook the imperium' in imperia which the City Corporation wields. Its extreme ambiity, its history, its romance, its own excellence of late years. will some day avail nothing in the struggle with its young powerful rival; for, while the one grows in strength every day, the other's power is slowly and surely reduced, Still there is life in the: City yet, and progressives should not triumph too soon': many Commissions may come and go before the unification accomplished fact.
The following paragraphs show how relent less is the persecution of the Jews in Russia 'A circular issued by M. Markoff, when Minister of the Interior, granting the right
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.