Tt is only fair to Mr. Chamberlain to admit that ho gave the Liberals all the satisfaction that they could reasonably expect. As ho says, the details of his scheme must be a matter of negotiation. It would be absurd for him to come forward now with an absolutely cut and Gried scheme. But he explained the outlines of his proposal very clearly. It is of course impossible to do justice to them in a fow sentences; but in the main the scheme which he proposes to put before the country and fight the next general election upon is this: a tax upon all imported articles of food which will enable us to negotiate a preferential tariff with the Colonies and to carry on a fiscal war with any nation which interferes fiscally between us and our Colonies. He admits that such a tariff will in effect be in a measure Protective, but. it, will not be imposed for the pur pose of Protection. He acknowledges that it will increase the price of food, but he hopes to convince the working classes that: it will increase wages proportionate-and moreover he offers them a tre-nous sop in the shape of old ago pensions. Of course he does not, propose to remit direct. taxation when imposing this great increase of indirect taxation. To do that would be to relieve the well-to-do of taxes ab the expense of the com paratively poor. Therefore the new duties would bring in an immense revenue not required to meet present expenditure and this he proposes to devote to old age pensions.
A Bid for the Leadership 'Towards the end of the debate Mr. Willie Redmond, who is never loth to say an offensive thing, especially of Mr. Chamberlain, declared' that the only pur-he could see in the Colonial Secre-beech was that of breaking up the ist Party and creating a new party with himself as leader; and a It to avoid the c up the Unionist Party; but there certainly some who will not support this re home, and in this sense there must be a rupture if the next election is fought on this question, Then the scheme is brought forward so entirely as the creation of Mr. Chamberlain that if it become the main and almost the sole plank of the party programme, Mr. Chamberlain must become the real leader. Moreover, if ho carries the country with him, ho must almost of necessity be the head of the Government which carries out the scheme.
Will it succeed The scheme has created an immense sensation. Although Mr. Chamberlain affects to minimise the importance of the change from a purely economical point of view, it is absurd to deny that it would he an absolute rorersal of what. has been the settled fiscal policy of this country for half-a century. Will Mr. Chamberlain carry the country with him? Perhaps, as the "Times" remarks this morning, we kad better all abstain from prophecy; but the convinced Frectrader must acknowledge that from his point of view the position is nob free from danger. OF course ho will carry all the Protectionists with him; and though they are 'a minority they are yet a somorhat powerful minority. Then he will have the out-and-out Imperialists on their side. They will be ready. to sacrifice an_ abstract principle to patriotism. Th there are the las rigid Freetraders who argue that as the United States have pros: pered exceedingly under a system of internal Free Trade and external Protcetion, so might the British Eny the loss of Free Trade with nations, whose own Protectic is tending to close their doors against us, might be compensated for by freedom' of trade within the Empire. It is objected that the Colonies—Australia in particular do not want Free Trade with us. The Australia producers do not wish to expose then selves to the competition of British man facturers. But Mr. Chamberlain has evidently a great reliance on his own ability to persuade them out of this attitude. And perhaps he is right.
The Attitude of the Opposition.
Everything, howerer, depends on_the great body of the working classes. They tay, not be tempted very greatly by the offer of old age pensions if they have to pay for these pensions themselves through dear food; and they will probably need a very clear proof that wages will go up. In Protectionist countries on the con: tinent wages er than in England. Then the Opposition can make out a pretty good case against the change. What is the necessity for it? They will ask. We are prospering exceedingly under Free Trade. We are on admirable terms with our Colonies and there is no certainty that an Imperial Customs pion would strengthen the tie. It might even weaken it. At present the Colonies have absolute control over their own fiscal systems; that they would have to give up. Moreover the cry of fore interference between us and our Colonies is It is true that Germany proposes—thouzh she has not done so—late against Canada for her preferential treatment of Great Britain; but the outery against Germany on this score is obviously unjust. We cannot have it both ways. We cannot give the Colonies absolute independence in fiscal matters and at the same time compel foreign nations to treat the Empire as a fiscal unity. If Canada has differentiate in her customs duties between Germany and England, clearly Germany has a right—so long as Canada and England are fiscally independent—to differentiate between Canada and England. Mr. Balfour, who spoke before Mr. Chamberlain, gave a somewhat. qualified and guarded support to his ideas: there is very little question that Chamberlain has practically the Cabinet with him. It will be interesting fight. 3
The Education Bill I have dwelt at considerable length on Mr. Chamyerlain's scheme; for I believ it to be the most momentous step that has been taken for years. But another political question has reached a. very interesting stage this week. That is the London Education Bill. The Government, who were only saved from defeat last week by the Irish, have taken the lesson to heart, and have made a remark: able series of concessions which have entirely altered their scheme, and have enabled them to get the Bill through Committee. Originally the Bill was framed so that the practical power in the administration went to the Borough Councils now the London County Council be comes the education authority in fact as well as in name, and the Borough Coun: oils have been deprived of practic: every vestige of power. OF course thes and their friends are furious; but on this point the Government have all the Opposition with them; and on the critical division the Tories could muster only eleven malcontents. But the Government are not out of their difficulties. On Saturday there was a great demonstration against the Bill in Hyde a demonstration which the "'Times admits was remarkable for its mumpers its corn The London Bill i its new form is practi on all fours with the Act passed last year for the Provinees; and if the result could have been foreseen the two would surely, hara been included in one. But the Hyde Park demonstration was directed as much against last year's Act as against year's Bill. The Nonconformisis are violently opposed to the handing over of the rates to voluntary, schools which are nearly all Church schools: and it seems certain now that the " passive resistance" movement will be generally adopted. ay the rate, there will be thousands That is to say the dissenters will refuse to 6 rate, and there wi
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.