To the Editor of the "Norru-Cama Dany News."
Sin,—May I, through your valuable columns, make known to the public the real value of the above heading, as it] sounds " peculiarly " to my ears pectiiar position in Manchuria because Rassia so often says that. she has 0 She has spent such a large amount of money for the construction of a railway, and this " by-word" is again repeated in your yesterday's telegram.
In the present international relations the world which are based on peace and commerce, what is the value of that railway which is constructed with merely political views, and has little influence on the development of international trade? Why should Japan, who has the closest commercial relations in Manchuria, yield to Russia's so-called peculiar position which is merely based on her aggressive policy?
FEThe Japanese economical position Corea is recognised even by Russia, and hor trade in Manchuria is now growing to such an extent as to execod that in Corea. Why should Russia, Who has once recognised the Japanese position in Corea, not do the same in Manchuria?
The construction of the Seoul-Fusan Railway, the completion of the Fasan port and other establishments which have been done by Japan resemble Russia's position in Manchuria, yet Russia insists: upon being on the same political footing as Japan in Corea. Then there can be no ground for saying that Japan should be excluded from Manchuria.
Russia may say that Japanese trade in Manchuria has been encouraged by Russian protection, but it should be noticed that Japanese trade is, except as to a trifling amount of coals and sundries, confined to the native pro-Auets which have no concern with the Russian development there.
We have still another argument to be noognised by the Powers as a positive rasen for the Japanese rejection of Russia's claim to a peculiar position in Manchuria.
Great Britain has entered into an agreement with China that as long as her trade exceeds more than half of the whole international trade in China the Inspector-General of the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs shall be a British subject. Great Britain, by this condition and by her recent Commercial Treaty, has extended her influence to the control of other departments, not merely the Maritime Customs. "By this example, Japan, whose share in Manchurian trade is counted to be three-fifth of the whole, would certainly be entitled to ask the Inspector-General of the Maritime Customs that similar rights should be accorded her in Manchuria.
The recognition of Great Britain's sphere of influence in the Yangtze Valley is principally based on her trade in the Valley.
However, if the great trunk lines—the Poking-Hankow and Canton-Hankow Railways,—which are to be controlled by other nations are once finished, the name of the fertile part of Central China might be changed from the " Yangtze Valley" into the "Canton-Peking Railway line." Under these circumstances, would Great Britain yield her peculiar position in Central China which she has procured by trade, and where her interests may possibly be still further developed, to the other Powers who merely control the above railways but have little share of the trade? No, surely not.
The Chinese Eastern Railway has less influence upon the Manchurian trade than the Canton-Hankow and the Poking-Hankow Railways may have in the future upon the trade of Central China, while the proportion of Japanese trade in Manchuria. would be superior to that of Great Britain's share of the whole international trade of China. Yet, must Japan with her ally recognise "Russia's peculiar position in Manchuria" and put up with an_ insult which promises to endanger her footing for ever?
These are the grounds inj which we enthusiastically appeal to the judgment of our ally.
Tam, ete.,
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.