The Archive · 1924

THE ANGLO-FRENCH ENTENTE

Mar. 5.

Tue correspondence between Mr. Ramsay MacDonald and] M. Poincaré is most welcome, both in itself and for the fullness of publicity accorded it. When in private life two friends are divided by mutual grievances, if they truly wish their friendship to continue, the first thing they] must do is to say frankly what they have against each other. There is no. reason why the same rule should not apply to nations, but it rarely does 50. In the case of Great Britain and France there has been a great deal of journalistic pinpricking on both sides of the Channel, but no effective attempt by Ministers to state the grounds of complaint clearly, Last September Mr. Stanley Baldwin and M. Poineairs mi in Paris and after a long conversation issued a communique to the effect that there was cossential difference of opinion ai between the two Governments. But possibilities of yood rest were stultified by Lord Carzon's speech, not long afterwards, at the Imperiat Conference,- which undoubtedly gave great offence it to M. in Frame, especially Poincaré. Tu this connexion, it be said that the proverb about one man being allowed to steal a horse while another not look over a wall is especiall} true in Franco, where individual charms count for ronch indeed. Lord Curzon and Mr. Lloyd George are detested in France towards Mr. MacDonald she seems well disposed. And certainly the warm welcome accorded to his letter by the Prose] of Paris shows that he has managed to say what he wanted to say, on the most delicate subject imaginable, without giving offence, Tt would be hard luck indeed if ho had dono so. Ho admits, we read, "'that the Gorman} menace to France is real and the French have some real justification for secking more tangible safeguards instead of the lapsed "Anglo-American joint guarantee. The French are also disappointed with—regard to reparations." And with these few words the British Prime Minister epitomizes the whole of the French ease. There is no doubt that France was bitterly aggrieved by the failure of the guarantee, which indeed is an episode that neither British nor Americifns can think of with much pleasure; and it has seemed to her that every effort has] been made by her Allies—not only the British—to yet Germany off the payment of prepara tions, which, in the Prench view, not only deprives France of Her just expectations, but hastens the day when Germany will be able to mako another sault upon her. On the other hand, it carmot be ignored that} the measures which France has been taking to- protect herself and make Germany pay were calealated to excite the suspicion in Britain, where trade bad and unemployment agonizing, which Mr. Ramsay MacDonald recounts. And while that suspicion, like its counterpart*in France, may be orroncons, it colours public an-extent which no Minister of State can leave out of his reckening. Not least is British feeling ruttied by the French Government's attitude in respect of the war debts duo from Franco to Britain, on which the British taxpayer is actually paying the interest due. There was never any suggestion when those debts were contracted that repayment was conditional on Germany paying her, reparations, and the assumption of this condition by the French Government does not make a good impression in Britain, especially when there appears to plenty of money in Trance lend to the Little Entente. Poincaré's reply on this par cular question does not, it must be confessed, rend very con vineingly.

The French Prime Minister's lotter, as a whole, is as cordial it Would naturally be expected to be, but we cannot honestly think' that it shows any departure, or intention of such, from the policy he has repeate ly enunciated. His allusions to the League of Nations, in. particular, do not in the Toast jusity the enthusiasm with which its friends have received them they are no doubt perfectly sincere, but under the present con ions in Europe absolutely academic. Phe League arbiter of Europe while Germany and Russia remain out of and until the former shows mote sincerity in fulfilling her share of the Pence Treaty and the latter gives satisfaction to her claimants abroad,. thereby really signifying her d enter the comity of nati side the Teague they will main. Che fundamental diffi culty between Great Britain and Prance ig that Germany should be made to pay. Tu thiy res pect We do not suppose that the vast majority of the British peoplo feel differently from the French. Tt is no question of nurturing tha angry feelings of war time, of keeping alive old gendges, but simply that. Ger-miny agreed, in return for peace, to pay for the damage she did; and that, #0 far from appoating to mako an honest nttempt to do so, she scorns to have been trying only by every means in her power (0 prove that she cannot. There is very much in the behaviour of the German Government, sines the war to support the French eon-tention that there is no difference between it now and what it was in Hohenzoller days.

Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.

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