Biley was' always an enthus determined to dig to the bottom of very problem for himself and to loro ax many opinions upon it possible; but his published di patches to "The Times," which appeared regularly during May, Juno, and July, were marked by irropreachable caution, The more controversial views "which gradually forming were reserved for his private leteers—and no doubt also for his conversation, for Joved argument and was fond of a3- suming an attitude merely for the sake of getting at the facts. Tt is net altogether surprising, perhaps, tht some of those with whom he came in contact in Shanghai should have regarded him at the-time as a dangerous neweoner revolutionary notions of their old familiar situation. Tt will be still more surprising if his ideas end suggestions, poured out in these private letters without any thought of publication, do not become accepted platitudes in years to come.
Thus he wrote towards the end of May, soon after his arriv T would express a con ary effort to aet up a sin ment for such a huge country must fail, except on a basis of dictatorship. Communications are much too poor. public opinion, if it exists, is Virtually negative only, so one hears 1 all hands—no strong man in sight to be Dietator—and the Kuo.nintang, even if they reach Peking, likely to split up worse than ever." To wast for China to have a strong central ta American policy, Greek the facts of size, and nebulosity, and, a3 some diplomats believe, nego with authority, as and when found, in province or region.
Here again, written at about the same time, is a suggestion which Riley felt himself still too inexpert to advance in print:—Tt is, so T was told, and could per-Inaps sense it even ina few days myaelf—it is very noticeable that the moderates, the "haves" of the intellectual world, are concerned over the spread of Bolshie doctrine, and perhaps somewhat less alarmed about "Western Imperialism." If then a time may come in the near future when we could again go a. Jong' way towards meeting their as-binations in reasonable negotiation, sans loss of "face" ina blank capitulation such as occurred of surely: a vigorous by the British, to nomy immediately, and not wait ti 1999, would be a wise move. appeals to meos the Big thing to And photo is another—not very ginal perhaps, but not without significance:—Tt would pay the big firms to get, say, ten young men a year, for the first five years, Blues of the LES. type from Oxford and Cambridge—well paid, ample legvo—to be drafted into the Shanghai, Tientsin, and Hongkong firms, and nursed for leadership. They'd learn Chinese, and, with a larger outlook, get things on to a better basis in course ofa few years. At present too narrow a vision!
The P. 0. might take steps to ensure that its Consular staff is all of the first rank—and to insist that Chamberlain's policy be backed up, in private conversation, by all officials of HLM.G., even if the business world continue abusive. Team work needed!
Policy and Practice Tu mid-June he was writing:
The main issue is friendship with China in order that trade Dhases of our civilization also, such as education find health, ete, may continue on a sis of mutual good. will and cooperation. That's the declared policy of HAIG.; I have in front of quotation from Balfour's speech, 11/11/26, inthe Lorde "The obey of Great Britain has been uniformly in the direction of removing every legitimate grievance which China could complain, and ing our best to meet every Yegitimato. demand which Chinese Daliots might rear ably make.
"That may be the policy, but it certainly mot the actuality, and there fre men here, in Shanghit, doing great deal passively in certain ofcal tireless, actively among some" busi bena men, to put obstacles inthe way of that policy. At every turn one delves into the Shanghai me finds all Kinds of things Balfour's statement. take it the key to better relations in China is better relations in Shang-hal, the commercial pulse, There ire groups of Englishmen, and 'Americans, in touch with the' Chinfio, but there are large. numbers who are not. The reasonable people copie who believe in Cham-policy, though ritiising
Neve in. force "as the on! 'o. the data The lard who with the Chinese," will not accept either Chamberlain or Lamp-or*The 'Times" as being definite in maintaining that there's no inten tion to intervene'
"The British taxpayers have: provided troops (41,600,000 or more Invested)—and. mest also provide finance (several millions may be of oan), invested in Shanghai. Ju return the British taxpayer is entitled to demand Uhat Shanghai be eleaned up—physieally and morally. As see it, the way out of the Tut is to try and ge British, Ameriarns, and Chinese working on plans for' con structive action in *he future—town planning, health, education, parks, Foods, 2, ole—for Greater Shang hat of the future, Get them busy on studying problems together and they will cease to abuse each other at distance, begin to cooperate, begin to erystalize a public opinion on Positive lines—at present i's all hegative—and that should pave the way for fair Chinese reprezentstion onthe Counc, 'Please do not think' alt this overlooks the short-coming of the Chin-the Arab is, ete. But if we're to work for friendship we must begin here in Shanghai and concentrate on it, despite the difficulties our Celestial friends set up. For, in the meantime, the Germans are quietly going ahead, full steam.
Lampson made an excellent impression upon the young Chinese down here, and they hope to be able to work with him.
'A month later, on July 5, Riley' was returning to' what had now become his settled conviction that, if Chinese incapacity for government was to be thoroughly understood, the foreign settlements must set a conspicuous example of progressive Working round amongst the business leaders, trying to get their point of view and to urge them not to delay ad infinitum in dealing with the problem, I discovered that many,
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.