The Archive · 1928

The New Model of Government

Oct. 3, By reports drifting down from, Nanking, by interminable interviews with political leaders in the Chinese press, on¢ gathers that the work of forming the Five Council Government in Nanking is not goi '80 smooth: ly as it should.

General Chiang Kai-shek is indisposed and unable for the moment to meet the Po! other Nanking leaders. teeth are said to be troubling him again, but in view of other circumstances the picion of 'a diplomatic illness can hardly be suppressed. For, among the most persistent of rumours, is the belief, that General Chiang's own views of what the Govern ment should be a the chief obstacle in the way of its formation, Among the five councils projected one notes with interest that the Supervisory revives the functions though not the name of that famous institution old China, the Board of (Censors. Consisting of not more than twenty-nine members, who. are forbidden to hold any other weill not only" exerciob the Supervisory Council general supervision over all brand the Government, but will also

peachment, The Censors be invested with powers of of Manchu days were formidable There were times when they. even di to withstand the Old Buddha herself; and 80 strongly were public opinion and custom on their side, that they remained, through all the best, days of the Empire, inviolable. The thought arises that, however much other organs of the Government may be delayed, it would be a good thing to set up. the Supervisory Council at once, and let it get to work.

According to the draft law, of which.anticipations have already appeared, over the five Councils there is to be a supreme Government Council of the Nation-

Jalist Government, It will control the army, navy, and force, and will be the sale erg: to declare war, conclude peace and enter into treaty mnegotiotions with foreign States. This. Council is to.consist.of not more fifteen members and its chairman is to act concurrently as commander-in-chief of all-the military forces of the Republic, represent the nation in all forjeign relations and sign all documents with foreign Powers. It might have been thought that such powers would be enough, for General Chiang; but there are persistent reports that he }wants something more. Already he has refused to take the direc-worship of the Administrative Council for which he was origin-them is that, apparently, they will strengthen the grip of the Kuomintang on the government councils, which as at first designed seemed likely to counterfact party domination. There is distinction to be drawn here between Kuomintang party and principles. The latter may be accepted -as setting up a standard. The first is to be guarded inst as constituting a tyriy. More than one Nationjwed the im~ of bringing into the government men of all shades, on the sole qualification that they can do her service. But that is just what party control cannot tolerate. Against all difficulties.of the moment, two points may be borne in mind for reassurance. There is no doubt that the leading men among the Nationalists are deeply in earnest in seeking to restore.order in China, and it may -be believed that they have more actual power than is sometimes supposed, Evidence of this with which, on the wh munist plots have come, many of them of the most formidable nature, notwithstanding the unemployment and distress that prevail and the often unpaid and shaky condition of Nationalist armic In the second place, the demand throughout China for peace and reform has become insistent.

To such movements of public opinion the Chinese governing jelass has never failed to react, except in times immediately ceding 4 revolution, and one hi a feeling that the Nation are reacting to public now even as their predecessors did,

Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.

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