Washington, Nov. 21.
President Roosevel's' sweeping! victory at the polls last November was widely interpreted at the time as a mandate for greater spending be the Federal government, an endorsement of the "Santa Claus" polley "Nobody is going to shoot Santa Claus ust before Christmas" Alfred E, Smith remarked eaustcally when asked his opinion just before the election and the ballot papers showed that he was the frowns of the Administrat Democratic rank and file made their appeal directly to the pork barrel. They openly boasted of the amount which had been doled out in there community compared with the lean bacon strips brought home by their Republican predecessors under Preident Hoover. When Republicans viewed with alarm" the course of the New Deal, spoke of Soviet Russia and the red tendencies of che Democratic administration the electorate laughed. The only red they could see was the red of Santa Claus's robe, when it saw the election returns, was filled with alarm. Not only was the Roosevelt programme with such force that its continuation for the next two yea was certain, but it was also perfectly evident that Roosevelt would be in the White House for a further six perhaps even more, If so much of the traditional American custom was being overthrown, the unwritten Inw that no President should elected for more than two successive terms might also go by the board. They saw an enlargement of the: Government's spending policy on] mote egressive Lines, little chance of a balanced budget, no effort to meet leavy borrowing of funds, and. currency inflation, almost inevitable, istnesy Surprised If there is any danger of _this happening it is not an immediate danger as business has now. found Out somewhat to its surprise. -The ut appeared to be less pressed with the size of majority than were his opponents. The Democrats had secured 322. seats. the next House as opposed to. the Republicans 103 (with ten. Progress Labourites) but of the actual votes the President ting on such thick {ce as might have been imagined from the size of this majority. For every" five democrats who voted there were four republicans, the ratio two year ago being nearer 5 to 3. Compared with the electoral returns of two yours ago the Democrats had lost fen million votes, and the Republlcans three million. That was the frst consideration which no. doubt influenced the President. The second was the feeling that his majority was too large to be kept together, especially as there were no stron party leaders In Congress to act as olitelal drill sergeants. There were too many instances in the history of other countries in which large and uunwelldy majorities had broken apart of their own weight for the President to feel thoroughly happy. The! men who bore, the label "Democrat" inno' not been" elected because. adherence to any common principle! or definite programme. Those who had not been influenced by cupboard Jove and the hope that still' more federal funds would benet them ither directly or indirectly by adding to the wealth or purchasing power of their district had voted through What might be described as a reflex ction of revulsion against the past, rather than through—intellectual appreciation of a programme for the future. Not being welded together! by common principles or outstanding personalities they would be parti-danger of a strong Third party movements, Third parties "have never been successful in the United States, but they have before _this wrecked the party within whose bosom they sprang. At present the danger of a strong third party movement is not very great. Senator Huey Long of California 1s the only man who has openly declared himself opposed to Roosevelt and asa Presidential candidate for 1938. He may make himself a nuisance but he will hardly make himself. President, Third) and probably most Important reason for not being overconfident because of the Democratic victory wes the complete ineptitude: of the opposition. "A Captain who! wing a victory over a weal" team should not be over-confident certala of victory when the time comes to tackle a strong one.
'There were briefly three types of opposition to the President. 'There was first of all that of the old guard Republicans. They took the " old-fashioned' bartizan attitude that everything the other crowd did was necessarily wrong. It was a foolish attitude, especially when one con siders that much of the New Deal programme had been approved by the Republicans in Congress, and much of the New' Deal which they were attacking was but an extension of the Hoover policies. President Hoover had established the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, he had started ju a timid fashion the policy of public works to absorb unemployed, played with crop] reduction and price fixing, he had thrown his. personal influence into many of the power and waterway projects which Roosevelt Inheritod (he Boulder Dam project and the St. Lawrence waterway project for! example) he had, moreover, private citizen, signed the Bl consumer's pledge. "The old guard ies but never surrenders". All the most prominent members of Old] Guard Republicanism went down in Some of the more intelligent! members of the Republican party such as Seanator Vanderberg of] Michigan took the line of accepting much of the New Deal, admitting that it would be permanent, that many of the Recovery measures were essential and fully in line with Republican tradition and concentrat-their attack on some of its extreme forms and on the methods in which it was. administered. He attacked not so much Rooseveltism as Farleyism. The President's polloies were one thing, the method in which his Postmaster-General's James Farley had them carried out was another. The office of Postmaster-General in America has developed in such a way that those who hold it are more Occupied with posts than with the Post. James Farley saw that _xood Democrats got the good posts. Hdealism was all very well for_ rest of the Cabinet, but somebody had to take a practical view and see that the party lines were strengthen-and consolidated and that party Toyalty was encouraged by the knowledge that when the time came "the party ame to the aid of all its food "men", 'That was one part of leyism". 'The other was in, seeing that, despite the insistance of the President that relief must be non-bartizan, localities whose party att seemed wavering were encour feieve that federal' funds and Democratic vote were In some way connected.
Wasted Money When so much money spent by ung together. the waste even If deliberate graft 1s rare. Senator Borah of Idaho who has shown a genius for putting is finger in the weak spot of any 'Administration has concentrated attack on the present one on the scandalous waste of public money administering relict and is proving big a thorn in Roosevelt's flesh as was In' Hoover's. The Senator does not charge deliberate dishonesty, he merely quotes figures and suggests that they really ought to be looksd into, "When a private institution such as the Red Crocs administered relief: for example after the Mississipo! floods in 1927 and the Florida Hurricane the following year, administration costs were about per cent Taking the government'! own figures Senator Borah showed that in one state he found a county which four dollars of relief money was granted and $572 spent in handing it. Taking the figures of 100] counties in that state he found that it had cost $5,000 to administer $4,700 of relief.
This type of attack is far more damaging to the Administration than the all round condemnation of old guard Republicans.
Moreover, undermines one of the _principles which some of the President's advisers hold most dear, and leads the public to be less enthusiastic for the extension of government power- and Influence or government operation of public utility services "Private business may show lack of public spirit and public responsibility, but these defects may be no worse thoo graft was waste and inefficient work of politically appointed government} employees. Moreover, the voter likes to feel that he'is"being cared for by public money, but he will) begin to feel that he has been robbed the man who hands it to him retains most of it for himself.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.