Oct. 9.
Readers will recall that last week we reproduced an article by Mr. W. E. Leveson on extraterritoriality and the future of Shanghai, and added some comments of our own, This has brought us some of the advance proofs of a book by Di. Ching-Liu Hsia on "The Status of Shanghai," which Messrs. Kelly Walsh are shortly to publish: the proofs sent us deal particularly with the questions that were touched on last week. Dr. Hsia is a Bachelor of Science of Glasgow and Doctor of Philosophy of Edinburgh University, and he writes with so much breadth of vision that his book should be valuable even if we do not always agree with him. It is interesting to see that Dr. Hsia pitches on the Mixed Court riots of 1905 as the first tangible evidence of feeling among the Chinese that they were entitled to some part in the management of Shanghai. Till then he thinks this idea meant nothing to them, although as early as 1863, wher the new Land Regulations were being considered, Sir Frederick Bruce advocated that Chinese in the International Settlement should participate in its government. Now, by a series of steps too long to' enumerate here, we have reached a point at which every thinking Chinese considers himself entitled to the same rights as foreigners, while "there ig the extreme Chinese opinion which advocates immediate and unconditional retrocession." Dr. Hsia says that he has not. thought that the latter view come within the scope of his monograph. We regret this, he-cause it has.an immensely important bearing on the whi question, In China the tail too often wags the dog. Dr. Hsia says very truly that, in Shanghai, "each national group builds a wall round itself," but he does not seem to see why. One may doubt whether he realizes that events like the confiscation of the Sheng Kung-pao fortune make even the best friends of China feel that the vast interests centred in Shanghai must still be safeguarded at all- costs from the clutches of politicians.
But in justice to Dr. Hsia his scheme for the future of Shanghai is designed to allow as little space as may be for political meddling. He advocates the reorganization of the Chinese Municipality of Greater Shanghai "on @ representative basis in accordance with the declared Policy of the Chinese Government and the Kuomintang"; "a popular municipality along' the Jines of the City Council Plan is to Be preferred to the present municipal government under an officially appointed—executive mayor responsible to the Central Government alone." From this beginning, "greater and closer ce-operation" with the French and International Councils should be sought, "in all matters of common interest," such a3 sanitation, conservancy, harbour: control, telephones, trams, conces, ete., "especially with a view fo eventual amalgamation and unification of all. three municipalities into one great administration for the whole of Shanghai." In the International Settlement, Dr. Hsia says, the existing form' of government should be recast so as to bring it into line with that prevailing outside its boundaries, The nature and status of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps would have to be modified and defined and there must be provision for "an carly reorganization of the police of the Settlement to bring about 8 gradual nationalization of the force": both these points need more explanation than Dr. Hsin gives, At the end of ten 0 fifteen years the three munici polities should unite and "it is hoped that this great administ tion may retain for a number of years to come a foreign element in the administration." The whole fabric would be sanctioned by Government mandate. The ideal sought is "a great and strong municipality" of "sufficient autonomy....free from unnecessary interference" to "develop and fulfil its own destiny.
It will generally be agreed, w think, that this sketch contains the germ of the only sound solution for the Shanghai question. It has the merit of gradualness, which is essential; and it puts the control of the district into the hands of those to whom it properly belongs, namely, the people of the district. But would the National Government agree to it? In its present mood, or rather in the present state of influence unduly exercised by persons in the background, it is most unlikely that they would. China is still in a condition in which things are done in the name of the Government which their best representatives undoubtedly disapprove but which they appear powerless to avert. This is perhaps inevitable for the time being, a stage that will pass. But while it lasts, it calls for the greatest, circumspection and caution, The immediate danger arising from it es that the National Government will be rushed into making extreme demands regarding Shanghai and although the Powers might not agree to all of them, there is no assurance that they would not concede enough to cripple Shanghai for many years, if not irreparably. That is why we venture to urge that the Muuicipal Council, must take the initiative in considering and
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.