Mr. Neville Chamberlain's speech on the recent developments in Austria is a sufficient indication of how seriously German intervention in Austrian affairs and ultimately annexation of the country—for that is what has happened—is, to be regarded. Herr Hitler's intentions with regard to Austria have become accomplished facts, and the statement that a plebiscite will be held in Austria next month to ascertain the will of the Austrian people conveys no reassurance. Plebiscites in totalitarian states have a habit of coincid~ ing completely with the policies of the Government in control, añt to believe for one moment that the plebiscite which it is now proposed to conduct will be any purer than the German version of that which Dr. von Schuschnigg proposed to hold, is to disregard all. that recent history has taught in connection with such matters. Had Austria gone to the polls last Sunday there is every reason to believe that he and his policy of complete independence would have carried the day: it is now just as certain that the absorption of Austria by the Reich will be as thoroughly endorsed, But, turning from the case of Austria, what of Czechoslovakia? It has been stated that Germany has no intentions in that country. Baron von Neurath has stated that Germany considered herself bound by the German-Czechoslovak arbitration agreement of 1925 from which it is to be inferred that the Czechoslovakian sover-eighty and integrity are to be scrupulously Observed. That, with reference to Austria, was emphasized as Germany's intention towards that country, but the passage of less than a month showed exactly what value was attached to that assurance, and what might be attached to the assurances given with regard to Czechoslovakia. Mr. Chamberlain has made Britain's position vis-d-vis of Austria perfectly plain. She was pledged to consult with France and Italy in the event of action affecting Austria's independence. Italy was prepared to sacrifice her interests in an independent Austria to the Rome-Berlin axis, undoubtedly arousing Der Fuehrer's gratitude, by destroying that unanimity between the three interested Powers which alone would have made their inter vention effective, France and Great Britain could do no more than register the strong protests they did.
The threat to Czechoslovakia, following the German coup in Austria, becomes all the graver and the difficulty of reconciling assurances and performances in Europe at the present moment is one of the most serious contributing factors tending to intensify the sense of uncertainty and insecurity which prevails. A review of Great Britain's rearmament plans has been foreshadowed by the Prime Minister. M. Blum the new French Premier has decided upon urgent procedure for the voting of extra credits by the French Parliament to expand France's arms programme, and so the countries of Europe are preparing themselves against the dread eventualities which must be expected if these continual threats to the peace and stability of Europe continue. It is sad, mad business, this danse macabre towards destruction, but the situation is none of either Britain's or France's desiring and the responsibility for the maintenance of peace in Europe is placed fairly and squarely upon the shoulders of Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini. There appears to be some disappointment in French political circles that Mr. Chamberlain did not give the world an indication, however veiled it might have been, that Great"Britain stood by collective security and was not prepared to see independent countries beaten down.
But having formally reaffirmed Britain's obligations towards Czechoslovakia, and having in mind the many declarations by Great Britain on the subject, it would seem to be a work of supererogation for Mr. Chamberlain ta reiterate what has already been said so often. The debate which followed Mr.
Chamberlain's speech was along expected lines. Major Atlee sought reversion to the principles of the League of Nations, fearing that war would be inevitable if there were any further degeneration in the situation.
Sir Archibald Sinclair advocated joint action with all peace-loving countries. Mr. Amery argued that Britain, France and Czechoslovakia should be shown in as plain language as possible that the first German soldier or aeroplane across the Czechoslovakian border would invoke the whole" might of Great Britain against it.
It is this type of policy, of damning consequences before being sure that they can be know that. z her moves towards complete rearmament, is not yet in a position in which she could engage in warfare without running unwary rantable risks. Those risks most certainly should not be run at the present time, and it is because of that that both Italy and Germany have been pursuing their present courses, in the hope of achieving all their desires before the European democracies are sufficiently powerful to put a stop to them. But the limits of patience are becoming overmuch strained. France's declared intentions, as indicated in her new pledge to Czechoslovakia, are taken to show that se might take immediate action in certain eventualities without even waiting to consult Britain. Therein lies the gravest danger for, should a German threat to Czechoslovakia lead to the mobilization of the French armies, the possibilities of a European war would be immediately changed into probabilities. The Dictators of the world, if they do not adopt the policy of M. Stalin, with his purges and state trials, have to live on continual success. The threat of a mobilization, might cause them to change their minds, only if they feared ultimate defeat in war, but once mobilization is ordered it would do them the greatest damage in the eyes of their own people, if they were thus forced to make a change in their intentions and recede from positions taken up. This is not to be taken as concluding that war is inevitable. Herr Hitler has undoubtedly been sounding out the market to see how far he can go. It may be borne in upon him by Mr. Chamberlain's speech and the decisions of M. Blum that he has just about reached the end of his research in that connection, for even now the strength which Britain and France can muster is not lightly to be regarded.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.