General Chiang Kai-shek silence to some purpose in his address at Kuling to an immediate audience which, important as it was, was probably less in his mind than the mass of the nation beyond.
The Generalissimo dotted the "is" and crossed the "is" of the formal diplomatic document presented by his Government in reply {o the Japanese Note on the northern crisis, Restraint and reasonableness marked his firm statement of China's position. It may be argued, of course, that in asserting the Central Governments right to supervise the actions of the Hopei-Charhar Council and standing on the territorial] integrity and sover-eighty of China, he was ignoring past events which had resulted almost in the tacit abrogation of that position in relation to Japanese action. He has, however, the unanswerable retort that some finality has to be put {o the process of yielding ground. Moreover, in indicating the Central Government's &etermination to uphold its unled responsibility for China's int grity and save eight, The status of the Hopei-Charhar Council The appointment of provincial oficials The disposition of the 29th Army he was, as he justly observed, compressing within four points the minimum conditions possible for nego tion in the light of the considered opinion of those to whom his Government looks for support. It is impossible to withhold sympathy from the Japanese people. They have become so accustomed to the absence of any limit to the freedom with which their military representatives in the North—and in a minor degree elsewhere in China—have been allowed to lay down the law and take action, without more than casual regard for the ordinary canons of international relationships, that even the mild propositions now established by General Chiang Kai-shek must [seem to them to constitute an astonishing defiance; China's claim to do what she likes with her ow: and even to invest herself with the naughtiness of the little anima! which proposes to defend itself when attacked must, in truth, come as a shock to Japanese opinion at this moment. Whether the broader vision of Japan's statesmen car supply a corrective in time to avert catastrophe is still undetermined Signs of less intractable differences fof view seemed to be detected in the North until the bombardment Wanping and other portents in Japan came on to the record. It hac been hoped also to discern favour. able omens in Mr. Anthony Eden's disclosure of assurances given to Great Britain by both sides of their desire not to aggravate the situation. France and the United States of America, have also shown their friendly concern and Viscount Cranbourne's statement regarding Anglo-American consultation gave further ground for hoping that the issues might soon return to the less strenuous channels of normal diplomatic procedure.
General Chiang Kai-shek's plain speaking was not confined to matters for Japanese consideration. He was frank in explaining to the Chinese nation the exact signifiance of the stand for which he claimed unanimous support. Assuming that it endorses his four points it has to recognize the consequences which may ensue. He under no illusion. He takes pains to ensure that the bulk of the people share that enlightenment. His Government's reply, vigorously reinforced by his own words, might involve major hostilities. The war would no longer be "undeclared". It would become explicit:
Weak nation as we are we cannot neglect to uphold the integrity of our nation, It is impossible for us not to safeguard to our utmost th heritage of dur forefathers, a duty which we must fulfil to the utmost Let us realize, however, that once war has begun there is no looking backward, we must fight to the bitter end.
He still hopes for peace, but he wants China to understand that the alternative might have to be expected and accepted. The tragedy of the crisis lies in the fact that the Generalissimo's exposition of China's case and the full significance of his survey of the situation will not be known to the majority of the Japanese people, except, perhaps, through tendentious versions issued to stimulate the factitious fervour which is held by Japan's military junta to be necessary for their salvation. Japanese gene-ro sity and discernment are not in doubt. Had they proper scope China might soon learn that her desire to be allowed peacefully to work out her destiny free from intolerable encroachments on her sovereignty had the sympathy, respect and approval of her neigh-hour. All friends of Japan—and, despite the criticisms of certain aspects of her policy, she has many real friends, as the solicitude of the world shows—sincerely hope thai the finer qualities of her national mind may exercise a moderating influence in the North. The hope is not extravagant, perhaps, even though the guns have already begun to growl.
If, however, this belief in the ability of both China and Japan to extricate themselves from a deadly coil turns out to be ill-founded and the price which General Chiang Kai-shek demands for China's freedom has to be paid, he makes it clear that he expect the unanimous, unswerving, unquestioning support of the country as a whole. The test, as all who have followed the course of China's efforts at reconstruction and unification will agree, is severe, for Government and people alike. One thing is certain: if words mean anything the Generalissimo has not stretched the sense of Chinese public, opinion by a single letter. He has coldly stated the exact, the bedrock requirement on which all sections of thought have been firmly insistent. That being so, he has the right to receive equally unequivocal support for such measures as may be necessary to meet the consequences of his stand. Disbelief in his Government's ability to command full support ves much of the inspiration on which Japanese military calculations proceed. General Chiang Kai-shek has virtually asked for refutation of that scepticism. Will he get it? He has words in plenty. Will deeds confirm them? The sympathy of world opinion is with China, It recognizes that the choice of resistance by arms is not hers; it is being forced upon her by pressure which no nation could permit to proceed further unchecked without forfeiting whatever claim it might have to individual freedom, China is called upon to show a unanimity in action as she has already shown in her words in defining her attitude to Japan's demands. If she can achieve ' and demonstrate that national solidarity by some prompt and unmistakable response to the Generalissimo's call, she may even avert the major evil. The spectacle of a united China determined to sell hey liberty dearly might enable the better mind of Japanese statesmanship to stay the hand of mili-larism and enable diplomacy to resume the task of building up Sino-Japanese relations on the enduring foundations of mutual respect and equality of status.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.