President Franklin Roosevelt has straitly exhorted his people to beware lest, by omitting to correct the world's neglect of vital standards of conduct, they are themselves imperilled. His plain speaking on the licence now accorded to aggression, whether in the West or in the East, constitutes a clear hug to their bosoms the delusion that, secure in the geographical inaccessibility of the Middle West, they can adopt the philosophy of the Jovial Monk and care nothing for what goes on across either Ocean. It would be unwise at this juncture to attach to the President's announcement much more than a perhaps, a definite acclaimed as having shown considerable sense of leadership at a time when a word from the United States of America was particularly welcome. The appreciable increase in the vigour of the League's Committee appointed to report on the Sino-Japanese struggle is ascribed partly to the firmness of his challenge to "international lawlessness." It is reasonable to assume that he would not have gone to that point if he had not good grounds for the conviction that practical results would accrue. The great merit of his exposition, in its bearing on the crisis here, is that it goes straight to the root of the trouble. It restores {o the first place in statesmanship's consideration the crucial issue of Japan's aggressive invasion of China. It is true that he condemns certain specific activities marking that invasion but it is the aggression itself which he recommends to the world's collective correction, for the purpose of establishing "positive endeavours to preserve peace." He lays stress on the value of a "concerted effort" and it is therefore clear that he will countenance no proposal for which combined support cannot be secured. He has thrown down a challenge to the isolationists. He has warned America that the attitude of neutrality cannot be ultimately effective if lawlessness be unchecked.
In so far as the President referred to the Sino-Japanese conflict his words contain counsel which it is to be hoped will be duly heeded by Japan. This is all the more desirable because the League of Nations, truncated though it be, has taken steps to record a considered judgment on Japan's action in invading China. Brushing technicalities and quibbles aside, the resolution unanimously adopted by twenty-three nations holds that Japan's operations are out of all proportion to the incident from which they arose. The view that Japan has thus acted in disregard of her obligations under the Nine -Power Treaty and the Paris (Kellogg) Pact is recorded. The Assembly of the League in considering the report will be asked to take measures for return to the existing obligations and treaties governing the Far Eastern situation. It must be remembered that the decision is based on information available from the chancelleries of member-powers whose representatives in China have been able objectively to expound the situation. In other words the committee cannot be said to have acted on incomplete information. Its verdict is therefore all the more significant. Significant too is the promptness with which President Roosevelt has conveyed the moral support of his country to the League's efforts at reaffirming the principles of the Covenant. It is idle to point to past weaknesses and hesitations. The fact that the United States of America, at this moment, has fearlessly accepted the obligations of her position as ce-operator in peace-construction is all important, It gives valuable endorsement to the weighty findings of the committee which has now reported to the Assembly of the League. The Assembly is unlikely to invite repetition of the failure which arose from the application of sanctions in the Abyssinian crisis. The movement to organize an unofficial boycott of Japan is obviously doomed to receive no official support either in America or in Europe. Democratic freedom of speech and action may in certain conditions facilitate some form of individual expression of disapproval of Japan's policy. Anything like a deliberately planned method of economic pressure is at the moment improbable. President Roosevelt's reference to the sanitary device of establishing a quarantine does not necessarily imply sanctions of an economic kind. Assuming that the Assembly adopts the committee's report it may be possible that the nations concerned will, in conjunction with the United States of America, take up the issues arising from the breach of the Nine Power Treaty.
There are many people who hold that action of that kind should have been taken in September 1931 in preference to the recourse to the League. That is not the view of wis dom after the event, for more than one commentator gave expression to it at the time. Now at long last it seems to be acceptable. Jat It certainly offers the opportunity to approach Japan on diplomatic lines. Nor is economic pressure the only form of disapproval which can be registered, if it should happen that the invocation of the two Treaties leaves Japan cold. The device of temporarily withdrawing full ambassadorial relationships could, for example, be considered. It has the advantage of depending for its efücacy far less on It may be at the back of President Roosevelt's mind in his reference the vital importance of his insistence on the duty of checking lawlessness among nations. Standards must be restored otherwise the jungle will be let in upon civilization and no single country will be safe. The action of Japan has thrown into the background all question of China's status or general attitude. Whether the Government of China is or is not 7 fully alive to its responsibilities becomes fort the time being an irrelevancy. The point for consideration is Japan's apparent claim to ignore solemn undertakings entered into with fellow-powers, and to elevate the exercise of armed might to the sole arbiter of her discharge of her obligations. Thus the world is called upon to fulfil the duty of civilization by being prepared to mobilize its fullest resources for the support of principles vital to its integrity. If this attitude be firmly maintained there can hardly be any doubt that Japan will have to pause and reflect. 1t is not enough to say that she is being driven into isolation. That condition will come upon her only by deliberate invitation on her part. She has to consider the danger to her prestige as a great power which unresponsiveness to the world's appeal may precipitate. Looking back on recent history it is difficult to recall an instance of so apparently an indiscriminate launching of military operations on the soil of a great country. Apart from the chief assault in the North and the particularly intensive struggle in this urban area of Shanghai, Japan has made herself responsible for loosely connected attacks by air and sea on numerous other regions of China's territory. She: has appealed to the sword and by the sword of a desperately driven antagonist she has been answered. Instead of simplifying her difficulties she has complicated them a hundred-fold. As the days pass each success which they bring seems only to raise up greater obstacles, not the least of which may soon be found to subsist in the growing volume of world-opinion condemnatory of her actions. This is a plight which her friends must sadly deplore. She can extricate herself with full honour if, in the face of the exhortations now addressed to her in all generosity and kindness by her sister nations, she is courageous enough to review the policy thrust upon her Government by unwise counsels. She herself has constantly prescribed adherence to standards of international rectitude. She has the opportunity to justify that sense of decency by ce-operation with the rest of the world in restoring those standards for the sake of humanity. No effort will be made to humiliate her in the process. Rather will the world's relief stimulate a readiness to smooth the path of resilement with all the respect which her dignity and traditions command.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.