The most outstanding development of the week in connection with the Czechoslovak crisis was undoubtedly the decision of Mr. Neville Chamberlain to visit Herr Hitler in a last endeavour to avert hostilities. On his return from Berchtesgaden, the British Prime Minister expressed himself as satisfied with the visit, and took the precaution of warning the public against accepting as correct any statements regarding what had happened until an official public announcement was made. That has not been done up to the present, and despite the publication of a number of quite interesting speculations as to what might have happened during the course of the visit, the fact remains that, up to the present, the world at large remains completely uninformed regarding this latest development. All that is known is that whatever Herr Hitler told Mr. Chamberlain necessitated the return of the latter to London earlier than was originally expected, the summoning of special Cabinet meetings, and yesterday a conference in London, between the British Cabinet and MIN., Daladier and Bonnet, It is as well that this should be borne in mind, for much alarming news has been spread on the one hand, and some, perhaps, unduly optimistic on the the other, that wisdom necessitates the suspension of judgment until something definite is issued regarding what actually took place at the end of the week. There cannot, however, be the slightest doubt that the unique action of Mr. Chamberlain, whether it proves to be productive of good in the ultimate result or not, was a remarkably fine, statesmanlike gesture, which should remove any misunderstandings which might still have existed between the British and the German Governments, and may conceivably even now pave the way for some form of settlement other than that dependent upon a war which no one in Europe, or for that matter in the world, really wants. It is expected that following yesterday's Anglo-French conference, Mr. Chamberlain will be in a position to return to Germany early this week, and renew his conversations with Der Fuehrer, after which the world will know whether it is to be war or peace.
Nevertheless, while the international si nation remains for the moment static, without any real justification for with optimism or pessimism, conditions in Czechoslovakia give ground for some uneasiness. Government proclamations ordering the disbandment of the Sudeten German Party, and, it is reported, the issuance of warrants for the arrest of Herr Henlein and"other leaders, on the one side, and the general defiance of the Sudetens, together with Herr Henlein's orders for the formation of a Sudeten sniper corps on the other, are factors which may even now thwart the good intentions which Herr Hitler is believed to have. The terms of the proclamation issued by the executive of the Sudeten German Party is distinctly provocative in tone, and the impression seems to be justified, that no matter what efforts are being made by London, Paris and Berlin, they are receiving no assistance from the two factions which the crisis most closely involves. It is probably well within the Czechoslovak law that the Sudeten Party should be declared dissolved, and that warrants should be issued for the arrest of its leaders, but there are occasions when insistence upon legal rights may, not only be unwise but actually criminal in its stupidity. It was on the face of it a Wholly unnecessary step, fatuous because it cannot be enforced even as affairs stand now, and will not be enforced no matter what future developments may be, and merely serves to exacerbate feelings, which should be kept under all possible restraint at a juncture such as this. It does not appear that the Czechoslovak Government is being particularly helpful in this matter, and the suggestion that it is acting upon the malevolent inspiration of Moscow may not be without some foundation. The violence of the Sudeten language is also no contribution to the peaceful settlement of this very troublesome affair, but as they have at no time done anything tending towards so happy an event; it may be taken that they are merely running to their usual form.
The danger of an incident precipitating a conflict which might undo everything which is now being attempted, is probably graver now than at any time during the past few weeks, and foreign opinion is becoming more than a little exasperated that these political antagonists should behave with such utter disregard of the possible consequences of their recklessness. It would be the most hideous of tragedies if the whole of Europe, and possibly the world were to be plunged into war over a question which should, and could be settled by peaceful means, and there is not a small amount of support for the contention that the Sudetens and the Czechoslovaks, failing to agree between themselves, should have this crisis settled for them. That may still result from the conversations which are at present proceeding. It is to be sincerely hoped that this will be the outcome, for if it does, it should pave the way for further amicable conferences, at which many of the existing differences, which are keeping the Great Powers apart, might be smoothed out. That is one of the very few attractive aspects of the present situation. If at this last hour, it is possible to bring the counsels of peace to prevail, and with them a better Anglo-German understanding, a step may be taken towards the general appeasement of Europe, upon which Mr. Chamberlain is so keenly set. But if the worst comes to the worst, and that will probably be known by the end of this fateful week, the issue will have to be faced with courage and faith. There is every probability that Great Britain and France would emerge victorious from any such struggle as might eventuate: there is most certainly no reason to expect defeat, but, nevertheless, there is no one who will not feel the deepest regret if the path towards general appeasement has to be pursued through the dreary wastes of war. paar ne cerine.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.