The long expected reshuffling of the British Cabinet is not so surprising as it was at one time thought it would be, for there was a belief that Mr. Neville Chamberlain was contemplating changes which would have resulted in more departures from the Cabinet than only Admiral Lord Chatfield, whose post as Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence has been abolished. Lord Chatfield established the point that with the outbreak of war the decisions which such a Minister had to make, automatically passed into the Prime Minister's hands, and consequently with a reduction of his functions the necessity for his continuance in office no longer existed. Apart from losing this one member the changes in the Cabinet amount io a general post as the result of which it is hoped that each Minister has been placed in an office in which he can do the utmost justice to his abilities. If the Prime Minister has succeeded in so re-arranging his Cabinet so as to get the maximum results in the shape of increased efficiency the change will prove a most beneficial one, while at the same time it casts no reflection upon the capacities of the men who have thus been moved around. The scheme whereby Mr. Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, is to preside over a committee of Service ministers together with the Army, Navy and Air Force chiefs of staff has everything to commend it. Not only will it enable the whole Cabinet to be better informed on the main factors in the strategical situation and the progress of operations, enabling it to make recommendations from time to time as to the general conduct of the war, but it places Mr. Churchill in a position where his drive and energy will find a sufficient and appropriate outlet. In making this change the Prime Minister has displayed true political sagacity, for it should undoubtedly have the effect of securing the full support of the country for his Cabinet as it is now arranged.
With Mr. Churchill in a position which is only second to that of the Prime Minister, there will be a feeling of satisfaction over the knowledge that he is the right man in the right place, and that he will soon be giving evidence of his undoubted fitness for such a position can confidently be expected. The departure of Sir Kingsley Wood from the Air Ministry and his replacement by Sir Samuel Hoare, may cause some surprise. When Sir Kingsley was first appointed to the position he is relinquishing, it was believed that with his strength of character and drive great strides would be made in the strengthening of Great Britain's air arm. It has to be admitted that he worked wonders, and thoroughly justified the trust which had been placed in him. Of late, however, there have been some signs of criticism of the manner in which he has continued to conduct the affairs of his ministry, and in some quarters there was a belief that a change would be productive of more speedy development than has been apparent in recent weeks. That Sir Kingsley has done wonders is readily admitted, and the Empire has much to thank him for in the present splendid air arm which he has succeeded in building up in so comparatively short a time. Sir Samuel Hoare is no stranger to his new post He has in fact already occupied the same position twice previously, and he takes to the Air Ministry his past experience which should prove of great use to him in the imposing task he has before him of improving upon the excellent work of Sir Kingsley Wood. Of the other appointments there is not much to be said. They are for the most part routine, but designed to bring about the greatest ce-ordination of energy amongst the various departments, and have the general effect of knitting the fabric of the Cabinet much closer. That Mr.
Chamberlain has not thought it necessary to import new blood into his Cabinet is the best possible proof of his satisfaction with the men he has under him, and the most certain augury of success in the future. That does not mean at some future date it may not be necessary to establish the Cabinet on a much broader basis. At present that cannot be done because of the reluctance of Labour to take part in a coalition Government. That that may come later cannot be altogether disregarded. Indeed it may be hoped that this will prove to be the case, for while there is no really serious disadvantage in Labour remaining in the Opposition, its inclusion in the Government would be an accession of further strength.
Those who profess to see in these Cabinet changes indications of weakness should speedily disabuse themselves of the idea. It will be remembered that during the last war similar changes were repeatedly effected, until a ministerial war machine was created which was well adapted to dealing with the enormous questions which arose. It is to be expected that this present war will call for equally imposing decisions, and it is wise on the part of the Prime Minister to make his dispositions now rather than wait until the increasing tempo of war makes such a procedure much more unsettling. There may be some who will point to the fact that there have been no changes in the Nazi ministries since the beginning of the war as contrasting with what has happened in Britain and France, but it must be remembered that the Reich presents an entirely different political concept from the Allies, and is at present so constituted that it would be impossible to effect any considerable change in the Government without probably bringing to a head those enmities which are known to exist amongst Herr Hitler's entourage. Such a shuffle in Germany, as those which have made without undue fuss in Britain and France, could not be carried out without very grave danger, not only of disunion amongst the Nazi hierarchy, but also of disillusioning the German people on the subject of the super-efficiency of their leaders. They cannot afford to make any such changes for fear of the effect upon German opinion, and have to carry on as a rigidly united little gang which has to sink or swim together. Here is to be seen all the advantages of elastic democracies on the one hand, and the disadvantages of the despotic tyranny of the Nazi system on the other.
Need for Caution More than one correspondent has written to this journal suggesting that the best way of dealing with the situation created by Mr. Ranald G. McDonald's decision to stand for election to the Municipal Council would be for the electors to vote for him, the five selected British and the two American candidates, apparently in the hope of depriving the Japanese of one of the two seats which they hold at present. It is not possible to agree with any such suggestion. While it is true that the Japanese have disregarded the years-old understanding regarding the allocation of seats on the Council, that is no reason why the occidental ratepayers should seek to follow suit. The last thing which is required in the present state of affairs in the International Settlement is that retaliation should be the method of dealing with this matter. It would be infinitely more dignified and redound more to the credit of the occident tal voters if they were to remain content with maintaining their position, and refrain from endeavouring to make any inroad into the Japanese representation on the Council. Nothing is more essential at the present time than that everything shall be done to ensure that the situation shall not deteriorate. It most certainly would if there were any resort to such a method of retaliation. In this connection it must be remembered that the Japanese have done no more than they are perfectly entitled to do. The fact is that Shanghai has known for at least a year past that it was the intention of the Japanese to seek greater representation on the Council, so that there can be no allegation even that they have sought to catch their iellow citizens unaware. That they should have precipitated the issue in conditions such as prevail at present is regrettable, but it is clearly no part of the duty of the occidentals to worsen the situation in the manner which some correspondents suggest. It is to be hoped that all occidentals who go to the polls will reserve their suffrages for the official British and American candidates. The straw votes have shown which men are more acceptable to their respective communities, and, considering the very great disservice which Mr. Ranald G. McDonald has rendered to his own community, there is every justification for insisting that it is not desirable that he should share in the representation of British interests on the Municipal Council, but that the officially selected candidates,—selected by a method to which it must be remembered Mr. McDonald submitted himself, even though by his actions and declarations he subsequently repudiated it,—should receive the solid support of the occidental voters. The latter owe it to themselves to see that this is done.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.