Nothing could be more inspiring than the [speech delivered by Mr. Neville Chamberlain at the Mansion House on Tuesday. It will be read with gratification by the Allies, with sympathetic understanding by most neutrals, and no small amount of discomfort by the enemy. The man who in 1938, and up to [September of last year, worked so earnestly for peace, accepting humiliations for which he was bitterly criticized in most parts of the world, now stands forward as a mighty leader in' war, a man who having put his hand to the plough, no matter how reluctantly, will not remove it until the furrow is completed. In vigour he has equalled the speeches of Mr. Winston Churchill, and he has made it quite plain to the world at large that, now the policy of war has been forced upon him, he will prosecute it with dust the same fixity of purpose as that with which he sought to pursue th paths peace. He has already shown that with him there can be no question of half-hearted measures, and that in war as in peace he is willing to accept the full responsibility of leadership. That he has shown ever since he assumed office, and in his indirect reference to the resignation of Mr. Leslie Hore-Belisha he has made it clear that he intends to be the master in his own house and to have the Cabinet under his control. It is ug to learn from the Prime which will be given to Finland will be no mere gesture, and that the assistance will be real and substantial That should serve not only to encourage the Finns in the wonderful struggle they are putting up against the Russian invasion, but should serve to assure the Scandin countries, who are anxiously watching the situation, that they too in their turn will receive assistance should they come to be attacked, Mr, Chamberlain does not extend the ranks of the enemy when he points out that while the major responsibil war must rest upon Herr Hitk associates, the German people, themselves, cannot hope to escape their share of it. This not the first time that the German peoples have menaced the peace of Europe, and that fact when peace comes to be negotiated will have to be taken into consideration.
If that passage in his speech means anything at all it can only be that he and the French leaders are determined that, no matter who may be the future rulers of Germany, that nation shall not again allowed to regain a position from which it can threaten the security of the whole of Europe. How that is to be done is still to be seen, but that must always remain one of the main objectives of the Allies. Mr. Chamberlain has minced no words in addressing the peoples of the Empire in this time of crisis. Ho warns them of the rigours of war and the necessity of sacrifice. A. complete war-time change in the industrial and economic life of Great Britain has become necessary. Civilian production has ye way to war production. Export trade must be fostered to acquire foreign currency, and the Tuxury trade must give way before iis imperative demands. In this connection consultations with the Labour Unions will be necessary to bring about the requisite shifts in labour and working conditions, id it is clear that the Prime Minister envisages the welding of the whole economic the Empire into one which there will be wf save the most ade= quately disciplined ce-operation. It is because of the breadth of Mr.
Chamberlain has displayed in this speech, and the complete grasp of the problems ust inevitably create that a so inspl the same definiteness of purpose with the Allies have accepted the challenge Herr Hitler threw down when his forees invaded Poland. Mr. Chamberlain may not have the fire of Mr. Lloyd George, but has about him that quiet business-like dispassionateness which is best fitted for leadership in the catastrophe which has befallen Europe. Those who have consistently supported the Prime Minister, especially afler the betrayal of Munich, find themselves completely justified. He has proved to be fa bigger man than was ever anticipated, and a leader whom the Empire can follow with the completest confidence. The restraint which he displayed throughout the whole address would alone be sulicient to justify it in doing it was only to be expected that Mr. Cham= berlain would devote most of his address to considering the immediate problems of the war, but it is interesting to note that, before' he concluded, he briefly outlined his. idea that the Anglo-French alliance of today should form the nucleus for an economic= political system including many other States was just about the most unfortunate arrange- Europe so sadly menaced by the defection of started, and there is every reason to believe but the calculated friendship of Russia which Soviet Government. It is} that, now that the mistakes of the last pea human Seauently contribute to 0 lasting peace, scheme need not necessarily federation of the States of Europe that of the United Slates. The diticulies et successfully operating such a system are all too apparent, but any arrangement which Jed to a completer understanding of the various European nations, and a correspond~ ing desire to assist in their solution must contribute largely to the future peace and good order of a sodily-stricken Continent, It is still too early for the Allies to make a definite statement of their war aims, beyond those which have already been made, Those for the most part deal with the remedying of those injustices which Germany has wrought, upon those smaller nations which she has attacked. For the rest a more appropriate time must be awaited, There is, however, no reason why the attention of statesmen should not now be turned to the question of how to devise a-better order in Europe than has prevailed up to the present. The firmness of the Anglo-French alliance, the manner in which the interests of the two individual nations have been subordin~ ated to their common weal, the fact that their forces are fighting as' one unit, and their economies dealt with as one single entity, undoubtedly docs support the belief that an extension of the system should not only be possible, given that degree of good faith which exists between Britain and France, but would be the best means of serving European interests, When it is ap~ proached the problem will have to be tackled {in an atmosphere devoid of the hates which have unfortunately existed. There can be no vindictive peace and that Mr, Chamber= Jain shows he clearly realizes,
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.