It is claimed by the German Press, and quite properly so, that the latest pronouncement by Mr. "Neville Chamberlain on the subject of Danzig does not alter the situation. It was never expected it would, for no one for a moment thought that the Prime Minister would do anything more than make it perfectly plain that Great Britain would stand firmly behind her commitments in Poland, and emphasize to the world at large that the British Government was determined to honour its obligations. The declaration is in fact a clear answer to the two schools of German thought which still believe either that Great Britain will still avoid a war at all costs, or that it may be possible by some surreptitious means to bring about a state of affairs in Danzig which would relieve Germany of all the odious responsibility which aggression must entail, while at the same time securing the incorporation of the city into the Reich. Mr. Chamberlain has made the British attitude quite clear. "Recent events," he said "gave rise to fears that it is intended to settle its (Danzig's) future status by unilateral action organized by surreptitious methods. In the sequence of events should be in fact such as contemplated on this hypothesis, Honourable Members will realize that the issue could not be considered purely a local matter, but will at once raise graver issues affecting Poland's national existence and independence. We guaranteed to give assistance to Poland in case of a clear threat to her independence, and we are firmly resolved to carry out this undertaking." The British attitude could not be more clearly set forth. It does not matter what means of aggression are sought to incorporate Danzig in the Reich; so long as Poland decides that her independence is threatened and chooses to fight, Great Britain is in honour bound to go to her assistance. 1f there were any reality to the contention that the obsecurity of British intentions prior to the Great War' was an important contributing factor in causing that catastrophe,—and of that there must always be considerable doubt.—it cannot now be said that the same conditions prevail.
Mr. Chamberlain has gone rather further than merely announcing what Great Britain would do in the event of certain UN causes of friction within the City and environs of Danzig, which in view of German i are more fancied than real. In this connection it must be remembered that much pf the German case with regard to Danzig is, because of what has happened elsewhere, under considerable suspicion, a suspicion which must inevitably increase so Jong as there are no attempts made to bring about that calmer atmosphere without which it is impossible to reach a just settlement.
Mr. Chamberlain's contention that Britain's guarantee to Poland had not determined the latter's attitude towards the German claims is sharply contested by the German press which claims that Poland knew of Whitehall's intention to guarantee her, even before Sa March 31 when the pledge was finally and formally made. It is not quite so easy to dispose df the matter as all that, especially in view of French commitments to Poland. it was always possible that France might have felt herself obliged to go to the assistance of Poland, and equally as likely that had France become involved on the European continent, even before March 31, Britain might have felt herself obliged to go to her aid. Viewed in that light the pledge given on March 31 merely regularized possibilities which were always to be recognized, and demonstrated a community of purpose in a manner which had not up. to then been so clearly defined. In place of a somewhat roundabout process through which aid might have been extended to Poland, which already existed, the direct offer of guarantee was resorted to, again tending to remove any trace of ambiguity which might otherwise have existed. Poland may very well have realized that in the ultimate resort she might have found Great Britain fighting on her side, and to that extent her attitude towards German claims may have been influenced, but there was always the Polish determination to resist aggression and the knowledge that she might not find herself wholly without friends. If the guarantee did anything at all it could only have reaffirmed decisions which Poland had already reached, and to seek to import some Machiavellian importance into the British pledge is only another means of seeking to brand Britain as the villian of the European piece. Such an attempt does not square with the facts, for it is not the democracies who have been engaged in filching states and territories, but those who complain most bitterly of the clearly defined intention of the democracies to put a stop to any further such proceedings. Consequently Mr. Chamberlain may not have contributed much to the situation in German eyes, though in the opinion of much of the rest of the world he has undoubtedly clarified it, Tsingtao Demonstrations The danger of these Japanese-inspired anti-British campaigns which have been going on all over north China is evidenced by the reports appearing in another column concerning the third of such demonstrations which took place in Tsingtao on Monday. From ordinary displays in the nature of peaceful processions, and the Posting of inflammatory placards on various buildings throughout the holiday resort, the mob has now indulged in violence against the British Consulate-General, and two British banks. During their march the demonstrators distributed thousands of anti-British handbills, and though there were police and guards on the spot, no attempt was made to stop their behaviour, until, according to Domei, the naval landing party dispersed them. The Japanese intention is'reported to be to control the anti-British movement though not to suppress it, and, apparently so long as the very much misled Chinese refrain from offering violence, the Japanese authorities will take no action. But knowledge of mdb psychology in China confirms the impression that this will not minimize the dangers which are likely to arise from such campaigns, and the demonstrations which are their outward visible signs. It will not be surprising if some residents in Shanghai refuse to expose their families to the perils which such movements inevitably create. From a business point of view the whole affair is stupid, for it may very well have the effect of depriving Tsingtao of much of that holiday income upon which so many of its permanent residents have to live during the rest of the year. From a political point of view it is still worse, for the Japanese should not be surprised if one day they find this same campaign levelled against themselves. That has happened in the past and cannot be excluded as a possibility now, or it the future. Of course they could suppress such with force, but the responsibility must undoubtedly lie with those who for their own purposes are fostering mob rule and disorder, when their paramount duty is to maintain peace.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.