It is inevitable, following the conclusion of the Russo-German non-aggression pact, that the utterances of M. V. Molotov, Foreign Commissar for the Soviet, should receive considerable attention, at any rate for the time being. They are likely to be of importance, and so far as his latest speech is concerned, combined with the manifesto of the Third Internationale it is of very great significance. The moderation which is to be found in M. Molotov's speech is not to be discovered in the' manifesto, and the Third Internationale as roundly denounces Germany as it does the rest of the capitalistic countries, thereby endeavouring to give point to the contention which Moscow has always put forward that there is a distinct difference of identity between the Russian Government and the Third Internationale. That fiction has been advanced in connection with the complaints of more than one country during the past few years, and, while it has never carried any conviction whatever, it is undoubtedly put forward now for the purpose of strengthening Herr Hitler in his present very invidious position. As a result of the speech and the manifesto he is able to tell his country "Look, it is not the Soviet Government which reviles Germany; it is the Third International. My peace is with Russia and not with the source of Communism which has so flagrantly attacked us." It is ingenious and may for a time serve to delude the people of Germany, but whether any other Government is impressed by this studied piece of political window-dressing is open to very considerable doubt. Commissar Molotov, in dealing with the present wars in the Far East and Europe, speaks of them as capitalistic wars, and promises that the Soviet will use every endeavour to keep out of them. He especially stigmatizes Great Britain and France as responsible for the Europ-can outbreak, and the alleged endeavours to procure its expansion, makes no similar reference to Germany, and carefully refrains from speaking of Finland. M. Molotov, on behalf of the Soviet Government is roaring "gs gently as it were any sucking dove."
Not so the manifesto of the Third International which is violent in the extreme. It insists that the responsibility for the present war belongs to the capitalistic Governments and ruling classes of Britain, France and Germany, who are waging war for world domination, accuses American bourgeoisie of repealing the arms embargo because of the huge profits to be made out of the trade now permitted, and ends up its attack upon the neutral nations by averring that Italy is only waiting for a favourable moment to take up arms against the vanquished and join in the division of spoils. The manifesto's blatant eulogy of the Soviet-German pact as a work of peace, is typical of the writing which is so often resorted to to gull the credulous. There is not the slightest doubt about it that the conclusion of that infamous pact was the main factor in deciding Herr Hitler to embark upon the invasion of Poland which he knew full well, for he has said himself that he knew the Allies were not bluffing over the matter, could only Jead to war. Without that pact it may be taken as certain that he would never have dared to broach the borders of Poland with military force. Russia has made no contribution to peace whatever, did a great deal to incite war by taking the steps it did, and has not hesitated to take the fullest advantage of the situation which she thus created by ravaging Poland and putting the Baltic States under the enormous pressure of military threat. As the worker for peace, which both the manifesto and M. Molotov claim it to be, Russia stands before the world a sorry scarecrow bereft of whatever tatters of sincerity it may have once had in the earlier days of the Soviet regime. It must be emphasized that in neither the speech nor the manifesto is there any modification of Communist propaganda. Capitalism is still the Communist enemy, and Germany just as clearly comes within that category as the Allies, and while Berlin has recently made efforts to mask its imperialism under the cloak of anti-capitalism, the Third International at least is by no means impressed with them. Thus while M. Molotov spoke with the voice of Jacob, it was a hairy hand indeed which wrote the Internationale's manifesto.
From the self-satisfaction which runs through both the speech, and the manifesto there is a significant conclusion to be drawn. Reading between the lines it is noticeable that the Soviet as well as the Third International are more than gratified that this war has come about, and from that the conclusion is reached that Moscow consented to the non-aggression pact in the very definite hope that it would bring about a European conflict in which the Third Internationale would be better able to get in its deadly work of communistic proselytizing. Statements which Soviet leaders have made that they have abandoned the idea of world revolution, and are content to work for the betterment of their own country, were received with scepticism at the times they were made. That disbelief has been more than justified in the event. It is clearly to the benefit of the Soviet and the International that Europe should be reduced to chaos and thereby provide a fertile soil in which the doctrines for which they stand can take root and flourish. It is undoubtedly the hope of those responsible at Moscow that the war will so reduce the economic state of Europe that the discontent expected to follow will lead to the rapid stride of communistic doctrines, and ultimately a very widespread sovietization of the' states of Europe. Russia may preserve her neutrality in the present conflict. That will be from no real desire to stay outside the quarrel, but because her leaders see opportunities for very fruitful fishing in the troubled waters which will remain after the warring countries have weakened themselves by the hostilities. The existing bulwarks against Rolshevism have been weakened by the defection of Herr Hitler. The democracies stand firm in their intention to resist it. So also does Italy, and, the growing ascendancy of Russia over Germany must give Signor Mussolini furiously to think. Defeat for Germany means that the second state will be infinitely worse than the first, and, if Rome is deluded into believing that Fascism is opposed to capitalism as Berlin is now attempting to persuade it, not even Italy can hope to escape from the débácle which M. Stalin and the Third Internationale are seeking to prepare for Europe.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.