Socialism—which as we now know have cost him hisChancellor—the London edition of the New York Herald has an entirely sensible article, The Emperor's intention, no doubt, was to fight Socialism with its own weapons; but, if is pointed out that, "if anything is fo be done now for the Inbouring classes, it is entirely owing to the fear and uneasiness created by the agitation set afloat by the organised friends of labour. Thus, the rescripts of the Emperor are represented merely as the latest triumph of Socialistic agitation. So far from lessening the numbers of the Socialists at the forthcoming elections, the partial surrender of the Emperor will impart new vigour to the cause." This prediction we know by wire has been verified. The writer goes on i to point out that it is futile for the Emperor [to think that concessions vill stop the! agitation, and argues that Prince Bismarck at least must know that, and it can only be declining years and diminished energies that have induced him to sanction the Emperor's course, We know now that he has not sanctioned it. The Emperor, says the Herald, has no ambition ce lead the life to which the Czar of Russ is doomed." But concessions never stop at the first step, they must go on from stage to stage. "We may gather what will inevitably happen when we recall the history of the reform movement in this country, or the series of Irish agitations which led up tothe land legislation of 1870 and 1881, and since then developing the form of colossal schemes for buying out Irish landlords one after the other... As for the Emperor's government and all which it represents, it is only safe to prediet that an era of change has now been entered upon, the consequence of which must be niust momentous."
The Saturday Review's article on the subject dwells chiefly on the impossibility of the Emperor's ideas We are in full possession, then, of the Emperor's proposals, and the conclusions upon Which they are based. Now the question is whether be is serious. Of course we can understand that, a8 the guide and) guardian of a commercial people, he is naturally anxious that foreign competition shall be so regulated as to give better wages to German workmen, reduce their hours of labour, and leave German employers in unrestricted command of the markets and content with their profits. But, after making the necessary studies in political economy, does he imagine that foreign competition will be so iging to cripple itself to meet He thinks it imperative that German reform must start from the principle that it is the duty of te Government to determine " the time, duration, and manner of labour" the way in which it should be carried on. Does he propose that the Governments who! he invites to conference shall begin by a knowledging that duty as equally incumbent on themselves? Apparently he does; for he describes the end he has in view as " bringing about a uniform International agreement as to the limits of the demands which may be made on the labour of the workers." But, since these are his notions, he will find that they are thought none the more reasonable for being harboured in a Royal and Imperial brain, ideas of duty may be derived from various sources. His Majesty's ideas of duty to the industrial classes may possibly spring from some conception of himself us a repre: sentative of Divine Providence; which would
tion, he lind been endowed with some portion all very well if together with that concep-of ssu tural power. But in addressing himself to other Governments he will have to deal with statesmen who never thought and never can think it their "duty" to determine how long men shall work, how. their labour shall be carried on, and what shall be their share of the profits of industry. There may be differences of opinion as to the expediency of State interference where the labour of women and children is concerned the Emperor's scheme must be declared not only inexpedient but impossible. He may be at liberty—but even that we doubt—to try it on so far as it applies to industry in his own dominions. Possibly he may get so far as to make the attempt within the confines of the Fatherland, But as to bringing about an International agreement defining the limits of the demands that inay be made on the labour of the working classes, the Emperor may assure himself that he has already gone precisely as far as he willeyer go. 2... man Government that the revolutionary So-No doubt it isa great matter with the Ger-dalists, against whom it is thought necessary to maintain "the minor state of siege, should not send an increased number of champions into Parliament; but such a proclamation of political ineptitude as these rescripts carry with them is far too great a price to pay for an advantage like that. Nor can it be that the rejection of His Majesty's overtures—which surely he must know is a matter of certainty—is intended to pave the way for another proposal: an International agreement to crush the revolutionary Socialism which may not be disposed of otherwise. Yet that will be suspected, no doubt; and it is known that the German Government—though not, perhaps, in this Emperor's reign—has shown itself on various occasions angrily restive at the right of asylum" and what not by which unlawful Socialism profits. At present, however, we confess ourselves quite crees, unless we admit an hypothesis which unable to understand the meaning of the de-
is too derogatory for expression in print. Our motto has ever, been No scandal about Queen Elizabeth." Yet we cannot but mark that when these matters were discussed at the German Chancellor's the other evening, Prince Bismarck finally said that he felt more and more the burden of years, and would like to carry out his plan of leaving Prussian affairs to younger men," Indeed, he is no longer Minister of Commerce; and it was to the Minister of Commerce that the more wonderful of the Emperor's rescripts was addressed. Prince Bismarck resigned the post, poor man! just before that decree was issued, The Pall Mall remarks as follows The comments of most of our contemporaries on the German Emperor's new departure are decidedly not diplomatic. Very good as far as it goes," they say, "but it will infallibly involve Free Trade; and as the German Government is Protectionist, had it not better drop the thing at once?" If the paper which took this line were Protectionist we could understand it; but from Free Traders it is the very acme of unwisdom. When you have a promising convert ready to accept a minor premiss, you do not—if you hi conversion at heart—Degin gibing at him and scaring him off by brandishing the major conclusion before his eyes. Yet this is what the Times and Standard and Daily Neves doing when they try to damp the Emperor's enthusiasm by showing him that he is really committing himself to Free Trade, The St. James's say The German Emperor's rescripts have met ith a mixed reception in his own country, The Conservative press, regarding the proposal as in the main anti-radical, are rather leased with it. On the other hand, the arse is a little distrustful of what perhaps Seems to cautious financiers the beginning of an era of hasty legislation based on very disputable theories, and it indicated its tncertainty by a slight "fall." The Liberal papers are puzzled and uneasy, though some of them take the opportunity of pointing out that the elections for the new Reitchstag are at hand, that the Socialist vote is a large one, and that the Government would naturally like to capture it if possible. The Emperor's manifesto has, at any rate, made a profound impression, and even those of our morning contemporaries which did not think it worth comment at first have come to the conclusion that they may as well pay some little attention to it.
While Mr, Rudyard Kipling, the Indian writer, whose stories have brought him Jately into prominence, contributes the following spirited poem to the same paper AN IMPERIAL RESCRIPT, Now this is the tale of the Council the German Kaiser decreed, To ease the strong of their burden, to help the weak in their need.
He sent a word to the peoples, who struggle, and pant, and sweat, That the straw might be counted fairly and the tally of bricks be set.
The Lords of Their Hands assembled; from the East and the West they drew—Baltimore, Lille, and Essen, Brummagem, Clyde, and Creve.
And some were black from the furnace, and some were brown from the soil, And some were blue from the dye-vat; but all were wearied of toil.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.