24th September.
Primarity the Czar's visit to France is doubtless intended to strengthen the Dual Alliance, and incidentally to consolidate the government of President Loubet, so recently endorsed by French public opinion. If finance matters may likewise be facilitated by the autumn outing of the Russian Emperor, neither he nor his ministers will regret the direction taken. At the same time the visits paid by the way good results, We have already had We cannot but have
an assurance from the German Emperor that peace is practically certain for many years to come, and although we have known bolts from the blue in times gone by, we are disposed to agree with the Kaiser, believing that nation whose rulers are reasonably sane would ever dream of war except for some very serious cause. British experience and British expenses are serving as an object lesson which he who runs may read, and it may yet be shown that British fighting in South Africa prevented a much more serious war in Europe.
It goes without saying that the approaching visit will draw attention to the alliance, its object, and results. Briefly we may put the first down as necessary counterbalance to the union of the three Central Powers.
That it may, under certain circumstances, be directed against England is possible, bat it must be rem bered that French and Russian interests do not run on all fours any more than those of Germany and her two allies, and experience has shown distinctly that Russia at any rate has always been levelheaded enough to do nothing for France that was not entirely consonant with her own interests. As to results, the first and most apparent is the change in the condition of France. We are of opinion that a strong, confident, vigorous Franze- is a greater guarantee of peace than a Power doubtful of her position and consequently eager to assert herself. The present Government has withstood attacks which might have overturned haifa dozen of its predecessors. It has bearded the Roman lion in its den, and with the applause ofall who are free to think for themselves has thared its claws and drawn at least some of its most dangerous teeth. It hashyed down the Dreyfus seandl: it has boldly faced its many internal foes, and emerged triumphant from the sirnggle. Much of this is due to the self-respect which has grown stronger and stronger since that memorable day in July, 1891, when the French fleet paid its visit to Cronstadt.
That was the first overt sign of the consummation of the new dual alliance. Many things have happened since then. Some of them have affected British policy, as a slight resume will show.
Taking 1891 as our starting-point, and, as we have said, the month of July for the first grand advertisement, we find, only two months later, evidence of Russian activity in Central Asia. The officials of the Czar were evidently desirous of annexing the Chinese Pamir, and it was not till three years after that China was satisfied by a Russian assurance that her territory should be respected. A year later again Great Britain also came to an understanding with the Muscovites as to their relative spheres in that bleak quarter of the globe.
Connected, without question, with these matters was the period of disturbance in Chitral, during the winter of 92, and while the Gladstone Government was in power.
month later found us in trouble nearer home. Abbas, the new Khedive, was taking the bit between his teeth, and becoming stubbornly objectionable over the question of the appointment and dismissal of Egyptian ministers.. Only the firmness and tact of Lord Cromer prevented a jdisigreeable incident from having more serious results. The Khedive gave in, and the current of affairs in the Nile land once more ran smoothly. But during the same year it was found necessary to send a mission to the Amir of Afghanistan. Next year the Czar Alexander ILL died, and Nicholas I, the reigning Emperor, succeeded him.
During a portion of this time France was engaged in operations of war in Madagagcar, and succeeded in 1895 in subduing the resistance of the natives, so that the whole island became subject to her, Great Britain offering no objection, though the greater share of the trade was in her hands. It was one of Lord Salisbury's most graceful concessions, and led without doubt to some of the dispute of the next year (1896) respecting the boundaries of our respective' spheres in Further India and particularly those adjoining Siam. Another pin-prick was -ad= ministered to us in Egypt. The Government of that country had laid hands upon half-a-million sterling, which though urgently needed was under control of the Caisse, and after some rather acrimonious discussion, had to be returned, the British Government advancing the sum required.
The year 1897 saw a formidable rising on the N.W. frontier of India, during which were fought the battle of Dargai and other very stiff encounters which even then tended to show the practical impossibility of an advance through the mountain barrier were it properly held.
Then comes shifting of the scenes, China and Japan had come to loggerheads over Corea. "Punch" at the time in one of his excellent cartoons foretold the feast of honey in store for the Russian bear. The war ended, Japan took Liaotung, but Russia, with her ally and the aid of Germany, insisted successfully onitsretrocession. Whereupon Russian influence at Peking grew by leaps and bounds, and when the Shantung rowdies had sown the martyrs' seed which brought forth Kiaochou, Russia modestly took the province she had forced Japan to disgorge. England got Weihaiwei and the hinterland of Kowloon.
During these Far Eastern doings Marchand was rapidly approaching Fashoda, where in September, much to his surprise, Kitchener's men met him after having "smashed" the Khalifa at Omdurman and so checkmated all anti-British moves in that neighbourhood. It was in this episode that the strength and weakness of the Franco-Russian alliance showed itself, Russia refused to budge, and the French Government of the' day, betrayed into a false position by their predecessors, extricated themselves correctly and with honour. We think it would be impossible for a government like that France now has, to embark upon such a hariim-scrum expedition as that of Marchand. We should as soon expect the British
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.