The Archive · 1938

AUSTRIA'S CRISIS

Whether Dr. Kurt von Schuschnigg has been wise or unwise in his decision to hold a plebiscite on Sunday, for the people of Austria to decide whether they want a "free and German independent and Social Christian and united Austria, for peace and work and for the equality of all who profess their faith in the people and the fatherland," time alone can show. That it is a bold decision the developments of the past few weeks amply demonstrate, and it is clear, from what is now happening, that no matter how far Dr. von Schuschnigg went in his concessions to Herr Hitler during the Berchtesgaden conversation, there are still limits as to how much further he will go. Those limits appear to be reached, and Dr, von Schuschnigg, by deciding upon the plebiscite, has clearly shown that he will go no further without a definite mandate from the nation, As it stands the plebiscite amounts to a trial of strength between the Austrian Nazis and the existing government. It is not certain whether the Austrian Nazis will accept the challenge which has now been made, for though they have been advised not to register their votes, a proviso is added indicating the possibility that even at the eleventh hour instructions to vote may be sivan. The issue is a straight, clear cut one—independence or anschluss? Dr. von Schuschnigg has made this perfectly plain in his broadcast on the subject. "Threats," he said, "which can be connected with the Berchtesgarden agreement, cannot intimidate me. The agreement will be carried out, but not an iota more. I do not want Austria to build up the Fatherland idea on a personal basis or a personal government, For years we have been challenged to hold a plebiscite. Now the moment has come to prove that we are ready to, make a stand for independence. I stand or fall by the success of the Austrian people on Sunday." There can be no doubt as to what the Chancellor means. He has been pushed to the limit of the concessions he was prepared to make, and by a very adroit move places the responsibility for the future of Austria on the shoulders of the people themselves. That he has moved swiftly has had the effect of taking the Nazi party completely by surprise, and has thereby roused their resentment to fever pitch.

He has reached his decision along the lines of the democratic principle. that in the government of a state the will of the majority must prevail, He believes, and there are many who think likewise, that the majority of the inhabitants of Austria still desire a democratic government and are not prepared to submit to control by a minority. But the plebiscite may not prove quite the trial of strength he would like it to be, should the Nazis persist in their refusal to take part. That refusal need not necessarily vitiate the whole proceedings, for if a substantial majority of the people register their votes in support of Dr. von Schuschnigg's policy the world at large will be convinced that, vociferous as it may be, the Austrian Nazi party is still the small tail seeking to wag a somewhat large dog. That may account for the Nazi refusal to participate in the voting, for if they did numerical comparisons might clearly prove the real validity of the Nazi claims to take some part in the government of the country. It is believed that Herr In-quart has demanded postponement of the plebiscite to allow time for Nazi propaganda, and the granting of two more Cabinet posts to his party. Dr. von Schuschnigg may decide to grant neither of these demands. On the face of it it would seem that he would be well within his constitutional rights in doing so, and, if it is claimed that the short notice he has given for putting his policy to the test of public opinion has placed the Nazis at a disadvantage, he can quite correctly counter with the statement that the amount of outside pressure to which he has been subjected for the past few months has also amounted to.a disadvantage which he has every right to ask of the people shall be offset by a clear mandate in the shortest time possible.

The reaction of the European capitals to these latest developments is interesting. Berlin is critical and opinion there is even now quite prepared to believe that the results of the plebiscite have already been "cooked." Italian opinion seems to be that Dr. von Schuschnigg has chosen the only possible course for clarifying the situation, and one that is in keeping with the Austrian constitution. France is very considerably concerned over the whole matter, and if, as is reported by. Havas, Herr von Ribbentrop has refused to give assurances that the Reich will not interfere in Austrian affairs, in reply to a British demarche on the subject, then French uneasiness will undoubtedly be shared by Britain, Herr von Ribbentrop is reported to have stated that the Reich would be compelled to take measures if German blood were shed. The rioting in Vienna and elsewhere in Austria emphasizes, in view of that report, the seriousness of the situation, for some bloodshed seems inevitable. Naturally the greatest pressure will be brought to bear on Germany should there be any indication of following the policy suggested by its Foreign Minister in his reply to the British demarche, but even that may not prevent the peace of Central Europe being gravely disturbed. In the circumstances it is unfortunate that Herr Inquart should hold office as Minister of Public Security. It has been suggested that he might resign in view of the delicateness of his position. That would undoubtedly relieve him of much criticism should the arrangements made by his department fail to maintain peace, and lead towards the much feared civil war. It is not to be believed at the moment that Germany would intervene merely because of rioting in Austria, but it is to be inferred that if civil war did eventuate, she would do so to ensure final victory for the Austrian Nazi minority. Therein lies the seriousness of the situation.

Should Dr. von Schuschnigg fail to maintain order in Austria, should warfare break out between the Nazis and their opponents the danger of the anschluss becoming un fait accompli by force of arms will be rendered all the greater. It is for these reasons that the Austrian Chancellor has either done a very wise thing—and that can only be if he can carry out his plebiscite in peace—or a very unwise one. It may be that he found the situation more serious than appeared from news reports earlier in the week. In that event this latest development may arise from counsels of desperation, though the rapidity with which the necessary propaganda was brought into action by the Government, suggests that he had been preparing for some such coup for quite a while past.

Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.

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