The discussions which have taken place in the House of Commons during this week, on the question of the full mobilization of the power of Great Britain in the event of war, serve to indicate the peculiar mentality of some of the parties represented in that august assembly. Monday night Sir Thomas Inskip, Minist>r for the Ca-ordination of Defence, in anSwer to questions, alluded to plans fo the allocation of individuals to services in wartime, which it was subsequently shown created the belief that it implied conscription in the widest possible sense. There is a suggestion in the Prime Minister's statement in the House on Thursday that that implication is too wide, and that, had Sir Thomas had more time in which to prepare his answer, an entirely different impression might have been created. The fact appears to be that, since 1922, various governments have considered a draft conscription bill providing for compulsory military service to be introduced in the event of war, but no e has as yet been prepared for the application of compulsion to industrial or other non-military services. Nevertheless consideration has been given as to how to make the most efficient use of the nation's man power in war time. It is just as well that this should be done, for the difficulty of persuading the various trade unions to relax their regulations in connection with the training of sufficient labour for the purpose of accelerating rearmament is an instance of possible dangers. When approached on the subject, the unions adopted an attitude from which they have not yet departed, insisting upon the strictest adherence to their rules, which up to the present has had the effect of hampering the government in the development of the air force in particular, and also in the development of other technical branches where the recruiting of highly skilled labour must of paration ea training. Wonders have already necessity be a matter of very prolonged pre-
been done in connection with the air force, as demonstrated in this column a short while back, but one of the imperative needs in connection with the defence of Great Britain is that there should be in existence large resources of highly skilled labour ready to be swung into action should immediate exigences require.
Mr. Chamberlain has made the position perfectly, clear in his statement While it is not possible to foretell the full extent of the demand that may have to be made upon the personal services and material resources or wealth of individual members of the public in a major war, it is certain that any proposals of the kind would have to receive the assent of Parliament and be based on the recommendation of the Government of the day, Service in special organizations during peacetime will not provide exemption for men of military age under whatever conscription law may have to be brought into force, and it is apparent from the Prime Minister's statement that the maintenance of the nation's full military strength will be the prime object of any such conscription act as that which the present government and its predecessors have been considering. That disposes of that side of the question. Judging from all that has transpired during the past week a clean cut issue seems to have arisen between the Government and the various trade unions. At the present it may be stated in these terms. The Government insists, as every government must in such circumstances—and that even\a Labour Government—that in the event of war the first duty of the nation is to subordinate every other preoccupation to the task of winning it. The trade union leaders, on the other hand, appear to think that while they will be ready to give every assistance to the nation in such a matter, the interests of their individual members must at all times be maintained, and that, in affording them protection, they may be prepared to go just so far and no further. They would be quite prepared to agree to the conscription of wealth, the subordination of industry and commerce to the immediate needs of the nations, but.the defence of the interests of Labour is their paramount duty and a matter for bargaining. If Labour is ever allowed to think that its first allegiance is to the trade union, and not to the nationa most unfortunate situation must arise. That seems to be the attitude which its leaders are at present adopting. It may be in an endeavour to wrest concessions from the government in times of Peace which might not be attempted in less happy periods, but that-there is at present a clash of interests between the Government and the trade unions is all toa apparent. Sir It is a comforting thing, when reviewing the present dispute, to remember that, when a democracy goes to war, it becomes for the time being somewhat of a totalitarian state. With a coalition Government as during the Great War, the suspension of certain constitutional rights, the passage of a conscription Bill—a thing hitherto unbelievable in Great Britain—and the enactment of D.O.R.A. of peacetime infamy, Great Britain was brought as near a totalitarian state as it has ever been, since the dictatorship of Oliver Cromwell. If ever Great Britain is forced into war again its democratic ideals may suffer even more, for everything will have to be subordinated to the will to win. Capital and Labour will have to sink their interests in the common weal, and, if they will not, they will be made to. This journal conceives of a British Government proposing ani passing through Parliament within a few hebrs of the outbreak of war, legislation undreamt of twenty four years ago. In the future there can be no paltering with Derby schemes, excellent as that proved as a temporary measure; the government will have to grasp the nettle firmly, and the nation will have speedily to be shown what are its responsibilities and the manner in which they have to be met by every section. That is what nations who may become enemies—though it is devoutly hoped it will not so eventuate—have already prepared. The new concept of war is not of the combat between governments and their armies, but between nations, between peoples and the sooner that is realized the sooner will more factors for peace be allowed to operate. Labour must learn, as also must' capital that their future lies in the preservation of the nation as a whole and the sooner they are brought to a realization of that fact the better will they be prepared to play their various essential roles in the event of any such Struggle as that which is feared coming upon|@here was an old lady of Harrow them. This may be a study in realism. If it is, its only excuse is that, whether mankind likes it or not, it has entered upon a very realistic age. It is better to realize that now than to have the uncomfortable fact one day thrust suddenly forward.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.