The situation in Tientsin is by no means clear. Contrary to what has been believed, it now seems that the Japanese in Tientsin have not lodged an ultimatum with the British Consul-General, though it is widely believed that on June 14 or 15 the British Concession will be blockaded by the Japanese, in an endeavour to force the British authorities to hand over four men, suspected, of complicity in the murder of Cheng Shi-kang, Commissioner of Customs in one of the Tientsin cinemas. It will be remembered that, at the time of the assassination, the man responsible shot his way out of the theatre and escaped. Some time later four men were arrested on suspicion, and the Japahese demand that these men should be handed over to them. The British authorities are by no means convinced pf the men's guilt, and until better proof is forthcoming have decided that they shall not be handed over. Two other Chinese caught with bombs on their persons, and consequently men whose guilt in connection with terroristic activities is clear have, on the other hand been surrendered to the Japanese authorities. A better instance of the good faith of the British authorities in Tientsin could not possibly be forthcoming, for all that they have promised in the past is that people found guilty,—not people who may be suspected,—of terroristic activities shall be handed over to the authorities in de facto control of the surrounding territories. On the other hand it is entirely contradictory to British ideals of justice that men who have not yet been proved guilty of the crime alleged against them, and who in fact may be wanted for entirely different reasons by the Japanese authorities, should be handed over to people who are at the same time accusers as well as judges, and more particularly is this the case when it is not only a question of the men's liberty but of their lives, which is at issue. In the circumstances it would indeed be surprising if the British authorities in Tientsin consented to take any such action as that which is demanded of them.
Consequently the Japanese are reported to be contemplating something which is variously described as isolating the British Concession or blockading it. Japanese residents and commercial houses are removing from the Concession, and even officials of the Special Municipality who have been residing within it—why, it is impossible to understand, unless it is safer than the areas they are supposed to administer,—are reported to have evacuated. Other reports state that all roads leading from the Concession are to be barricaded, except at certain points, and all persons seeking to enter or leave the Concession, irrespective of nationality, are to be subjected to search. Blockading, or isolation are hopelessly illegal, but it is not to be expected that the Japanese in their present reckless frame of mind will be likely to pay that aspect of the case much attention, while the threatened, searching, if in fact it is resorted to, is just as much illegal, though probably commends itself to the Japanese authorities as having a certain annoyance value which might assist them in achieving the ends they have in view. It is obvious that in such circumstances the situation in Tientsin cannot be anything else but tense, and it may very well be that, if the Japanese in fact take the steps they are reported to be contemplating, matters may even more seriously deteriorate and the whole issue be reduced to one of ascertaining which side is endowed with the greatest patience. The question involved is a clear one. In British custody are four men accused by the Japanese of complicity in the murder of one of the Chinese who has chosen to serve them, but whose guilt has mot yet been proved to British satisfaction. The swiftest remedy would be for the Japanese to advance the proof which they claim they have of the men's guilt. That would solve the problem once and for all, but the fact that they have not done so, and have resorted to means designed to compel the British authorities to meet their wishes, lends support to the suspicion that they are in possession of no such proof, or at least of no such proof as any reasonable jurist could be expected to accept.
The emphatic denial that any ultimatum has been delivered has to be viewed in the light of the fact that Japanese ordinarily residing and doing business in the British Concession are evacuating. From last September that progress has been slowly going on, but the fact that in recent days this has been accelerated supports the suggestion that some sort of action is at hand. It is a situation which will need to be met with that firmness which has all along been displayed by the British authorities in Tientsin, for it is one in which it is difficult to see how there can be a compromise. That must be apparent to the Japanese for it may with "fairness be asked whether they, placed in the same position as the British authorities, would do anything different. With the completest conviction that question can be answered in the negative; it would be contrary to the Japanese ideals of honour to do so, and, though the Japanese authorities do not appear to realize the fact, of honour they have no monopoly. If it is contrary to Japanese honour to sacrifice the innocent on a matter of policy, so also is it contrary to British ideals, and if that is the issue which has to be decided they need not be surprised if the most stubborn resistance is offered to this contemplated procedure. Nevertheless, there is still the possibility that the Japanese but lead this fashion of their "malice to the last hour of act." It is to be hoped,—though there is little enough to support such a hope at the moment,—that this will indeed be the case. If Anglo-Japanese relations are deteriorating as they undoubtedly appear to be, it is entirely due to the conduct of the Japanese. The British have done nothing in China since the outbreak of hostilities which they are not entitled to do, indeed they have done less than other nations whose reasons for not assisting China are more easily to be found in their adherence, or the adherence of at least one to the Anti-Comintern Pact. mist A sedat The Tour Ends With a quiet Sunday at the family home of President and Mrs. F. D. Roosevelt, Their Majesties will practically have brought their American tour to a close, and in a very short while they will be again returning to their Own country, which has watched their progress through Canada, and the United States with no little pride and gratification. The success of the visit to Canada is one that was only to have been expected, for Canada is a very loyal member of the Commonwealth as it has shown in the past, and would very likely do so were the demand ever to come again. There were different considerations operating in connection with the visit to the United States.
It was a different country, with a different style of government from that of Great Britain, even though both spring from a common root, and further, there was that democratic disapproval of pageantry which proves so acceptable to the average Briton. The splendid reception which was given Their Majesties, from the moment they crossed over into the United States at Niagara, in Washington and New York may be taken by them as a complete triumph of their own personalities. It is, however, something else. It is a recognition of, and a display of sympathy with the British people in the strenuous times' through which they have been passing. The magnificence of the reception, the heartiness with which the visiting monarchs were greeted wherever they went, and the tremendous care taken that nothing should go awry will have a telling effect upon public opinion in Great Britain, and the exhibition of friendliness is such as will strike a very grateful chord in the British heart. It has been reported that there is a possibility of President, and Mrs.
t visiting Great Britain before the former's term of office is concluded. It is to be hoped that this will be possible, for nothing would give the British greater pleasure than to be able in some measure to return the cordiality of the reception which was extended to the King and Queen. President Roosevelt has already an enormous personal popularity in Great Britain, but that only because of the press he has received, but if he were to visit Britain in person his charm would round off all that has already been achieved.
Text read from the printed page and cleaned; old type leaves the occasional error.